(b. May 30 [May 18, old style], 1814, Premukhine, Russia--d. July 1
[June 19, O.S.], 1876, Bern), chief propagator of 19th-century
anarchism, a prominent Russian revolutionary agitator, and a prolific
political writer. His quarrel with Karl Marx split the European
revolutionary movement for many years.
Bakunin was the eldest son of a small landowner in the province of
Tver. He grew up in idyllic surroundings, romantically devoted to four
sisters who were nearer to him in age than his younger brothers. His
lifetime of revolt began when he was sent to the Artillery School in
St. Petersburg and later was posted to a military unit on the Polish
frontier. In 1835 he absented himself without leave and resigned his
commission, narrowly escaping arrest for desertion. For the next five
years he divided his time between Premukhine, where he plunged into
the study of the German philosophers Johann Fichte and Hegel, and
Moscow, where he moved in the literary circles of the critic V.G.
Belinsky, the novelist Ivan Turgenev, and the publicist Aleksandr
Herzen. In 1840, his opinions still in a state of fluid turbulence, he
journeyed to Berlin to complete his education. There he fell under the
spell of the Young Hegelians, the radical followers of Hegel, and,
having moved to Dresden, in 1842 published in a radical journal his
first revolutionary credo, ending with the now-famous aphorism: "The
passion for destruction is also a creative passion." This brought
him a peremptory order to return to Russia and, on his refusal, the
loss of his passport. After brief periods in Switzerland and Belgium,
Bakunin settled in Paris, where he consorted with French and German
Socialists, including Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Karl Marx, and with
numerous Polish émigrés who inspired him to combine the
cause of the national liberation of the Slav peoples with that of
social revolution. The February Revolution of 1848 in Paris gave him
his first taste of street fighting; and after a few days of eager
participation he travelled eastward in the hope of fanning the flames
in Germany and Poland. In Prague in June 1848, he attended the Slav
congress, which ended when Austrian troops bombarded the city; and
later in the year, in the secure retreat of Anhalt-Köthen, in
Germany, he wrote his first major manifesto, An Appeal to the
Slavs. He denounced the bourgeoisie as a spent
counterrevolutionary force; he called for the overthrow of the
Habsburg Empire and the creation in central Europe of a free
federation of Slav peoples; and he counted on the peasant and
especially on the Russian peasant, with his tradition of violent
revolt, as the agent of the coming revolution.
Tired of inaction, Bakunin once more plunged into revolutionary
intrigues and, engaging in the Dresden insurrection of May 1849,
failed this time to escape arrest. The Saxon authorities handed him
over to Austria and Austria, after a further period of incarceration,
to Russia. In May 1851 he was back on Russian soil in the Peter-Paul
Fortress in St. Petersburg. There, at the invitation of the chief of
police, he wrote an enigmatic Confession, which was not
published until 1921. Much of it consists of expressions of repentance
for misdeeds and abject appeals for mercy. But it includes some
gestures of defiance and plays heavily on Bakunin's devotion to the
Slavs and hatred of the Germans -- sentiments that were noted with
interest and approval by the Tsar. They did not, however, help the
prisoner. He remained for three years in the Peter-Paul Fortress and
for three further years in another fortress, the Schlisselburg, in
conditions of rapidly deteriorating health. Finally, in 1857 he was
released to live in Siberia. There he contracted a marriage, which was
not consummated, with the daughter of a Polish merchant. The governor
of Eastern Siberia was a cousin of Bakunin's mother, and it was
probably through this connection that he obtained permission in 1861
to travel down the Amur, ostensibly on commercial business. Having
reached the coast in a Russian ship, he transferred to an American
vessel bound for Japan and travelled via the United States to Great
Britain.
Bakunin's arrival in London at the end of 1861 reunited him with
Herzen, whom he had last seen in Paris in 1847 and who now occupied a
preeminent position among Russian émigrés as editor of
Kolokol ("The Bell"). Bakunin's 14-month stay in
London led to an irretrievable rift with Herzen, who had shed some of
the revolutionary ardour of his youth and had already crossed swords
with the critic and novelist Nikolay Chernyshevsky and other extreme
radicals of the rising Russian generation. He now found Bakunin's
financial, as well as political, irresponsibility hard to bear. When
the Polish insurrection broke out early in 1863, Bakunin eagerly
embarked with a shipload of Polish volunteers for the Baltic. He got
only as far as Sweden, where he spent a fruitless summer. At the
beginning of 1864 he established himself in Italy, which became his
residence for four years. It was there that he framed the main
outlines of the anarchist creed that he preached with unsystematic but
unremitting vigour for the rest of his life. It was there, too, that
he began to weave that complex network, part real, part fictitious, of
interlocking secret revolutionary societies that absorbed his energies
and bewildered the followers whom he enrolled in them.
The most famous episode of Bakunin's later years was his quarrel
with Marx. In 1868, then settled in Geneva, he joined the First
International, a federation of working-class parties aiming at
transforming the capitalist societies into Socialist commonwealths and
their eventual unification in a world federation. At the same time,
however, he enrolled his followers in a semisecret Social Democratic
Alliance, which he conceived as a revolutionary avant-garde within the
International. The same organization could not hold two such powerful
and incompatible personalities; and at The Hague congress in 1872
Marx, by an intrigue that had little relation to the causes of the
quarrel, secured the expulsion of Bakunin and his followers from the
International. The breach split the revolutionary movement in Europe
for many years to come. Two of Bakunin's major writings, L'Empire
knouto-germanique et la révolution sociale (1871) and Staat
en anarchie (1873), directly reflected his conflict with Marx.
Bakunin was as uncompromising a revolutionary as Marx and never ceased
to preach the overthrow of the existing order by violent means. But he
rejected political control, centralization, and subordination to
authority (while making an unconscious exception of his own authority
within the movement). He denounced what he regarded as
characteristically Germanic ways of thought and organization and
opposed to them the untutored spirit of revolt that he found embodied
in the Russian peasant. Bakunin's anarchism took final shape as the
antithesis of Marx's communism.
During his last years, which he spent in penury in Switzerland,
Bakunin reverted to his preoccupation with central and eastern Europe.
He was compromised by a short-lived enthusiasm for S.G. Nechayev, a
young Russian nihilist who paraded his contempt for conventional
morality, achieved notoriety by murdering a fellow conspirator whom he
suspected of intending to betray or desert the cause, and for this
crime was eventually extradited to Russia by the Swiss authorities.
Bakunin consorted with Russian, Polish, Serb, and Romanian émigrés,
among whom he found eager disciples; drafted proclamations; and
planned revolutionary organizations. His health grew worse; his
financial embarrassments became ever more acute, and he depended on
the bounties of a few Italian and Swiss friends. But he never wholly
lost the resilience of his revolutionary convictions.
Proudhon and Bakunin rank as the founding fathers of 19th-century
anarchism. Bakunin formulated no coherent body of doctrine. His
voluminous and vigorous writings were often left incomplete. But his
fame and personality inspired a large and widely dispersed following.
Small anarchist groups existed in Great Britain, Switzerland, and
Germany, whereas the powerful anarcho-syndicalist wing of the French
trade unions owed more to Proudhon than to Bakunin. Anarchist
movements owing allegiance to Bakunin continued to flourish in Italy
and especially in Spain, however, where as late as 1936 the anarchists
were the strongest revolutionary party.
Adapted from Britannica Online.