The past is replete with revolts against sweet reasonableness, and
even practical, rational individuals have sometimes waged war against
it in the privacy of their minds. John Locke, 1632-1704, was the
philosophical protagonist of reasonableness and common sense. Jean
Jacques Rousseau, 1712-1778, often considered the founder of the
Romantic Movement, stressed the feeling portion of the human makeup.
He emblazoned humanity's irrational side. These two mentalities are
still locked in combat, locked in a virtual struggle between good and
evil.
John Locke was not a closeted philosopher. His practical counsels
were sought by the English Whigs, that portion of the English
aristocracy most wedded to constitutional government, religious
toleration, and economic progress in a capitalistic sense. These three
were linked together in the 17th and 18th centuries, a very precious
linkage indeed.
Constitutional liberty was rare in those days. Nearly every
government was an absolute monarchy. England was an exception which
John Locke helped fortify.
Locke, like other political thinkers of his day, believed in a
mythical state of nature before the coming of coercive governments
throughout the world. Individuals in this condition conducted their
affairs without external control. They protected their property and
pursued and punished alleged evildoers on their own initiative. They
were their own policemen. They possessed a moral sense according to
Locke. but lamentably a subjective one designed to suit themselves.
The inconvenience of such absolute liberty led to the formation of
governments or political societies whose officials, legislators,
kings, etc., were elected by the people and were responsible to them.
Thus each member of a political society was relieved of the constant
grind of protecting his property. Governments carried much of the
load. Locke adds that any government which fails to preserve property
may rightly be overthrown by the people who created it. Just as a
master has the right to dismiss his servant, so do a people have the
right to topple despotic government.
What did Locke mean by property? His definition included not only
land and movables, but life and liberty as well.[2]
His definition therefore comprehended the basic concerns and rights of
individuals. Modern liberal and leftist commentators have made
themselves oblivious to Locke's definition of property. They have
glibly assumed that Locke was noncompassionate, exclusively concerned
with the preservation of real estate. Locke actually considered one's
body to be a form of property.
It is obvious that Locke regarded government as a mere mechanism
designed to increase the ease with which we run our private affairs.
Government simply ends a state of nature in which dangerous
self-judgment is the rule. Government is the humble servitor of
freedom. The worship of that concocted divine ground called the state
is excluded.
Locke's stress on the private doings of individuals eliminates
blanket condemnation of selfish interests as sinful. Legislatures in
free countries are besieged by hosts of lobbyists trying to propagate
selfish interests. And why not? Selfishness may teach us to understand
and make compromises with the selfishness of others. Cold, above-party
impartiality is often a ruse for the attainment of excessive power.
True respect for individuality should include respect for individual
interests.
Religious tolderation is another consequence of Locke's orientation
toward the private individual. Religion becomes a private practice
just as peacefully pursuing a trade is a private practice. The
conclusion is that all religions should be tolerated so long as they
do not endanger public order by becoming violent.
The practical Locke stressed religion as an instrument designed to
inculcate ethical behavior. The tendency of the wealthier and more
enlightened in England was to follow Locke. They were indifferent to
salvation and heady spirituality, simply accepting religion for the
sake of ethical and moral improvement. This meant a decline in
religious ardor since those not so religious or not religious at all
are as moral or more moral than the deeply religious.
A reaction was inevitable, especially among the less wealthy and
enlightened. Anti-rational, emotional and revivalistic religion
attained immense popularity in England and America and has, at least
in America, endured to this day. It comprises an appreciable number of
primitives who really do not believe in "live and let live."
They are collectivists, anxious to regulate the conduct of everyone.
They are eons removed from Locke's individualism. However, let us
steer our way to Jean Jacques Rousseau, whose outwardly democratic but
inwardly totalitarian philosophy has been far more unsettling than the
spiritual junk food of the preachers currently in our midst.
Rousseau was born in 1712, in Calvinistic Geneva. He failed to
assimilate the Calvinistic work ethic, not thoroughly learning any
trade in his youth ind wandering from job to job. He converted to
Catholicism for the sake of the economic support the clergy might
offer him. A cultured and kindly lady. Madame de Warens, also a
Catholic convert, took Rousseau into her household in Annecy, Savoy.
She sheltered him for more than a decade and he eventually became one
of her lovers. Sometime later he cohabitated with a former servant
girl, which became a lifelong attachment. They had five children all
of whom were sentenced to death at birth when the couple transferred
them to the Paris Foundling Home. Neither Rousseau nor 18th-century
France was as yet committed to birth control.
Much of the above and more is recorded in Rousseau's famous work
The Confessions of Jean Jacques Rouseeau. Confessionalism goes
at least as far hack as St. Augustine. The habit of revealing sins or
shortcomings to the outside world appears to be a widespread mental
illness, perhaps a subconscious urge to succumb to a collective. It is
not essential for society to he acquainted with most of our personal
proclivities, our idiosyncrasies or, to use a popular expression, our
hangups.
Rousseau, like Locke, posited a state of nature prior to the coming
of government. The similarity ended there. Locke's state of nature was
not without the amenities of civilization. Private property, which was
to be protected once government came into being, existed. With
Rousseau, the state of nature lacked the slightest tincture of
civilization. Individuals wandered without property, without
foresight, without morality except for the quality of pity. They
possessed few or no tools, depending on bodily strength for survival.
They lived by instinct in a state of equality. Rousseau regarded his
state of nature as idyllic, his noble savages being unencumbered by
the necessities and conveniences of his own day. His thinking inclined
toward asceticism. It was a far cry from John Locke, who favored
material progress and prosperity. Much of modern liberalism and
socialism has an ascetic base, a preference for the life minimal.
What caused this idyllic state of nature to decline and cease to
exist? Rousseau's answer was the curse of privale property, the
stimulant to corrupt civilization. He was no socialist, but he
condemned private property with such vehemence that socialists and
communists have given him an honorable place in their hagiography. He
stated:
The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground,
bethought himself of saying 'this is mine', and found people simple
enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society.[3]
Private property, thought Rousseau, results in the exploitation of
the propertyless by the propertied. It is, moreover, a triumph of
brains over brawn, the propertied possessing the former and the
propertyless the latter. This idea punctuated the ancient feeling that
the intellect is evil, a product of the devil. How medieval Rousseau
really was! It is noteworthy that those who cherish brawn or force are
constantly waging war against intelligence. The 20th century may be
viewed as the counterattack of the bully boys, whether
clerical-fascist, Nazi, Communist, Christian, Jewish or Islamic
fundamentalist, corrupt unionist, or whoever else comes to the mind of
the reader. The Reign of Terror in France, 1793-1794, was conceived
and engineered by admirers of Rousseau.
Rousseau realized the impossihility of returning to a state of
nature. The alternative he chose was psychologically close,
specifically, direct democracy with an ultimate totalitarian twist.
Since the state of nature was one in which all were equal, Rousseau
declared that all adults should participate in the determination of
the affairs of any community. This sounds reasonable to Americans,
especially Californians, who generally favor initiatives, recalls and
referendums. But hold on! Rousseau, fearful of the influence of
selfish or special interests, propounded the undemocratic idea of the
general will or the mystical voice of the people. This voice may
dispense with the inclinations of the majority and yet express that
which the people really desire. Rousseau's general will concept
nullified democracy. Any party rising to supremacy by force can
dictatorially tell the people what constitutes the will of the people.
What Rousseau really wanted was the fusion of individuals into an
undifferentiated social mass whereby individluality dies and selfish
strivings are no longer apparent. He wanted us to be "part of the
whole and only conscious of the common life."[4]
The uniqueness of each human temperament was apparently not as
important to him as claimed hy his partisans.
Rousseau's conception of society, since its composition is hidden
from view, is akin to a spiritual mass. It is like God stationing
himself on earth, possibly a more oppressive phenomenon than God apart
from us in heaven.
Unconscionable cruelty is inevitable in such a society. How can life
be respected when we are encouraged to view individuals as melted into
the mass? They are no longer adequately seen as discrete entities and
are consequently dispensable. Conscience no longer plays a role when
humankind is shorn of individuality. This is firmed by the bloody
events of 20th century.
Bertrand Russell in 1945 very sensibly classified Rousseau as:
... the inventor of the political philosophy of the
pseudo-democratic dictatorships. Ever since his time those who
considered themselves reformers have been divided into two groups,
those who followed him and those who followed Locke. Gradually the
incompatibility became increasingly evident. At the present time
Hitler is the outcome of Rousseau, Roosevelt and Churchill of Locke.[5]
One may summarize Rousseau's outlook as medieval. His negative view
of private property and worldly goods, his state of nature or Garden
of Eden psychosis, his hankering to confess, his distrust of
intelligence and approval of instinct, his preference for an
essentially spiritual society excluding individuality and individual
interests, all these are reactionary sentiments reminiscent of the
Middle Ages. The religiously inclined should not ignore him, nor
should the skeptical secularist regard him as an ally.
Rousseau, rather unstable in his younger days, became salve to an
extreme sense of persecution when older. He thought that nearly all
were after him, including David Hume, one of the kindliest of
philosophers and men. Were Rousseau alive today, he would be subjected
to expensive psychiatric treatment. His 18th century contemporaries,
in perhaps a wiser course, simply let him be. The harm he did to
himself was as nothing compared to the harm committed by those
attracted to his ideas.
One turns to John Locke as to a breath of fresh air. His writings
influenced the Declaration of Independence, the U.S. Constitution and
the Rill of Rights, and various state constitutions. May his "Sweet
Reasonableness" endure!
Footnotes:
1.An expression by Richard Hooker,
1554-1600, a moderate Anglican high in Locke's esteem.
2. See Locke, Two Treatises of Government, Cambridge 1988. Section 87,
p. 323.
3. See Rousseau, Discourse on Inequality, contained in the volume
Social Contract and Discourses, Everyman's Library, 1990, p.84.
4. See Rousseau's Emile, Everyman's Library, 1995, p.10.
5. See Bertrand Russell's History of Western Philosophy, Simon and
Schuster, 1945, pp. 684-685.
Suggested Reading:
Bertrand Russell, A History of Western
Philosophy, Simon and Schuster, 1945. Incomparably clear and readable.
John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, edited by Peter Laslett,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1988.
John Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, Everyman's
Library, London 1990.
John Jacques Rousseau's Emile, Everyman's Library, London, 1995.
Alvin Bernstein is a scholar and former teacher of European
history. He is retired and lives in Paradise, California.