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Aid to Housing for the Poor |
| [Reprinted from The
Christian Century, 23 October, 1968] |
CHURCH leaders and church members are to be commended for their
efforts to help break down racial prejudice and foster both, local and
national legislation, to the end that Negroes may have equal opportunity
to purchase housing that "will meet their needs.
However, other kinds of effort are called for. This was brought home to
me last spring when Columbia, Missouri, the city where I live, was
preparing to vote on an open housing ordinance. The local ministerial
alliance strongly supported the proposed ordinance; it adopted a
statement expressing its approval and urging church members to vote Yes
"as an eloquent expression of our belief in the Christian concern
for justice and equality for all people." (The proposed ordinance
did not pass.) Meanwhile George Brooks, highly respected Negro leader in
Columbia, pointed out that open housing legislation can help only that
small percentage of Negroes who are financially able to buy homes in
better surroundings. This means that poor Negroes, and poor whites as
well, must continue to live in slums.
The problem is especially disturbing because new slums are constantly
forming. It was nearly ten years ago that Robert C. Albrook of the Washington
Post & Times Herald wrote that "new slums are growing
faster than old sums are removed." And the process continues
undiminished. Still our mayors and other local officials turn to
Washington for help in solving the problem, urging ever increasing sums
for slum clearance, urban redevelopment, subsidization of housing and
rents. They do so without considering the basic cause-and-effect
relations which have sparked the evils they seek to cure. And the
demands they present necessitate ever higher federal taxes, on poor as
well as on rich.
Other than through federal taxation, the only way the problem can be
solved is by resort to free private enterprise. And free private
enterprise is hobbled by our traditional local tax policy. For instance,
when one remodels or improves his home or rental property the assessor
raises the tax assessment. The more rundown a building becomes, the
lower is the tax. It has been stated many times by experts that the most
profitable property is slum property. Why? Because our tax system takes
away incentive to improve buildings. Not only is the man who builds a
new home or improves an old one penalized for something which is
socially desirable, but the owner who lets his buildings become more
slumlike or who holds land out of use is rewarded for following a policy
that is socially undesirable. Our local tax system is at fault: it
penalizes the first owner and puts temptation in the way of the second.
According to a May 1968 report there were at that time over 14 million
vacant lots in American cities. If to that number is added lots
uneconomically used, the total economic waste is seen to be staggering.
Since these lots are mostly held off the market for speculative
purposes, their presence creates the artificially high prices buyers
must pay for lots on which they propose to erect buildings. As a result
we have urban sprawl, which increases the cost of supplying electricity,
gas and such public services as garbage pickup.
Testimony from the Experts
The high prices city lots often command are primarily the result of
community- and geologically-produced values which the owners have not
created. When a city builds schools or a state builds a road, the lots
in the area increase in value - but not because of anything an
individual has done. A corner lot in the business section of a city is
more valuable than one of similar size in the center of the block. And
both are more valuable than lots on the outskirts or in the residential
sections of the same city. Lots in a seaport city may sell for a great
deal because of the geologically created value.
As quoted in a St. Louis newspaper last February, that city's
comptroller, John H. Poelker, declared that the need for slum clearance
and urban redevelopment exists because of the way we levy taxes. He
advocated taking "the profit out of slums" and giving "new
vigor to the city's redevelopment efforts." He pointed out that
since at present "most of the real estate tax is on structures ...
the more rundown a building is, the smaller the tax." He referred
to "many rotting buildings in premium locations in the downtown
area, where the tax on property in no way reflects the value of the
land." Those structures, he said, "should be either demolished
or substantially improved, but because they are underassessed the owners
can keep them rundown, waiting for a prospective buyer with a lucrative
offer. But if a property owner in the downtown area or in a mid-city
neighborhood improves his property, he gets a tax increase."
In cooperation with the Milwaukee tax commissioner, Professor Mason
Gaffney of the University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee conducted a
tract-by-tract study for the Urban Land Institute. His research showed
that "it would be profitable for private enterprise,
without any subsidy, to tear down and replace practically all
the obsolete buildings downtown if the property tax were put on the
valuable land they cover" instead of on the buildings.
Robert Maynard Hutchins, former chancellor of the University of
Chicago, has commented: "Today's property tax promotes almost every
unsound public policy you can imagine. It encourages urban blight, urban
sprawl, and land speculation. It thwarts urban rehabilitation, building
investment, home improvement, and orderly development. The remedy is
absurdly simple." He urges removing the tax on improvements and
increasing the tax on land values.
Innovations Elsewhere
A system of taxation like that advocated by Dr. Hutchins has been in
force in the Australian state of Queensland for 78 years and for a
shorter time in New South Wales. In fact, Tasmania is the only
Australian state in which no city or district has taken taxes off
buildings and other improvements and increased them on land. Among the
Australian cities having a land-value tax system are Brisbane and
Greater Sydney. Most of the reports on the success these Australian
experiments have enjoyed have appeared only in British or Australian
publications; hence we in this country have had scant opportunity to be
aware of this challenging way out of our present urban housing
difficulties.
In November 1965 the Australian magazine
Progress reported on the building in South Melbourne prior to
and following the adoption, by vote of the property owners, of a system
of land-value taxation, with buildings and other improvements
tax-exempt. During the first six months after the new system was adopted
the money invested in new building and in expenditures for alterations
and additions to houses was more than twice that of the average in the
preceding six-month periods. Alterations and improvements on commercial
buildings were about 50 per cent greater. The total value of new office
building construction was four-and-a-half times the previous figure. And
the total value represented in construction permits for industrial
buildings more than tripled.
In New Zealand more than 70 per cent of the cities have adopted this
system. Recently the state of Hawaii took the first step by reducing
taxes on buildings and increasing them on land. In Africa several cities
- among them Johannesburg, Nairobi and Livingstone - have adopted
similar systems.
In Canada the system operates, for instance, in Regina and New
Westminster; the latter city has taxed improvements one-fifth as high as
land for well over 50 years. A recent letter to my husband from a member
of the Canadian Parliament, a highly respected elder statesman,
contained some pertinent passages. I quote:
... From 1919 to 1923 Ontario was ruled by a farmers'
government headed by a knowledgeable premier. That government passed a
permissive act such as is in force in Pennsylvania, and one town, Fort
Erie, took advantage of it. That town witnessed the building of more
houses in {he short year or two in which an easing of house taxes was
in force than had taken place for many years previously. Then the
Tories won a provincial election and at once abolished the permissive
act.
Since then the municipal councils of all our major towns and cities
have been greatly concerned about the shortage of housing
accommodation, have been "fighting" the housing problem and
are oh so sorry for the poor people who live in slums, or one-room
apartments, but never a word about the exemption of improvements or
the taxation of land values.
In Toronto we have seen building
lots multiply in price until a house-of-his-own is beyond the reach of
all but the most favoured of earners, and the victims of the system
say never a word.
We in Canada read of the poor of your country "marching on
Washington" to insist that Congress do something, and not a word
about the only "something" that would bring any real relief.
In our country, as well as in others which follow our tax system, local
real estate taxes are placed on land, buildings and other improvements,
with the smaller proportion on land. Thus construction of buildings or
improvement of existing ones is discouraged and desirable land is held
speculatively out of use. Result: higher cost of land, lack of good
low-income housing, more slums.
Incredible Oversight
Why have not the National Commission on Civil Disorders and other
groups looking into the causes of riots and the plight of our cities
pointed out the enormous potential in the kind of tax reform that has
for generations been tested in a large part of Australia and in several
other countries? When the effects on those towns and cities which follow
our tax system have been compared with the effects on cities and towns
which have changed to taxing land and exempting improvements, it has
been shown repeatedly that in the latter areas (1) less land is held out
of use, (2) industries are attracted, (3) there is more building, (4)
job opportunities are greater, (5) it is easier to become a homeowner.
All of these are results achieved
without subsidies.
What initial steps can be taken if we desire to enjoy such benefits in
the United States? Let me propose three: (i) If it is insisted that
there must be subsidies in order to achieve quick results and provide
adequate low-income housing, Congress could make the subsidies for any
city conditional on reform of its local tax policy. Then such
subsidization would not have to be continued endlessly. (2) Congress
could put this tax reform into effect in the District of Columbia as a "pilot
project" to demonstrate to a limited degree what incentive taxation
can do. (With Congress taking the lead, local governments would have a
stronger motive to reform their tax system in this direction, and in
cases where the state constitution would have to be amended, it could be
done more easily.) (3) If religious leaders and church members come to
realize that here is a way - termed by one congressman "the most
realistic approach to the revitalization of our cities" - to one of
the demands of the Poor People's Campaign, they could urge their
congressmen to take the action necessary to implement the proposals. To
this end, education and discussion are vital.
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