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Two-Timing Us With Two Prices |
| [Reprinted from The
Freeman, December, 1938] |
Has our Secretary of Agriculture discovered, at long last, the real
solution for all the ills of life in country and city? Or is he just
proposing one more application of the principle of special privileges?
His latest suggestion is that we subsidize at the same time both the
farmers and the lower paid among the city population, presumably about a
third of the latter (since the President considers that a third are "ill
clothed, ill housed, ill fed"). The low-paid workers are NOT to be
subsidized, however, by paying them money and ALLOWING THEM TO SPEND
THIS MONEY AS THEY PLEASE AND FOR WHAT THEY FEEL THEY MOST NEED. While
such an arrangement might be most satisfying to them, IT WOULD NOT
PROVIDE ANY GRAVY FOR THE POLITICALLY MUCH LOVED FARMERS, INCLUDING, OF
COURSE, THE OWNERS OF BIG PLANTATIONS. No, the poorer workers must take
their subsidies in the form of lower prices, offered only to them, on
goods coming originally from the farms, such as clothing made from
cotton, bread and flour made from wheat and corn, and other goods the
disposal of which will aid the farmers' sales. Thus are the poor to be
stimulated to use up more of the farm output, so as to leave less of
these goods for the middle class and make -- or keep - prices to this
class high. Thus the farmers will, presumably, get a high price on all
they sell to the middle class. And as regards what is sold to the lower
paid workers, the government is, apparently, to buy this produce from
the farmers AT A PRICE SATISFACTORY TO THE LATTER, although selling it
for a good deal less.
The government will then have to make up for its loss by the levy of
taxes. On what classes the burden of these taxes is to rest we are not
told. BUT IT'S A SAFE GUESS THAT NO TAXES FOR THIS PURPOSE WILL BE
LEVIED ON LAND VALUES, AS SUCH, EITHER IN CITY OR COUNTRY, and IT WOULD
NOT BE SURPRISING TO FIND THE MONEY RAISED BY SO-CALLED PROCESSING TAXES
ON THE NECESSITIES OF LIFE. In that case, some of our people who are NOT
QUITE poor enough to be favored with the discriminatingly low prices may
be made poorer than some of the plan's beneficiaries.
But how are these low prices favoring the low-wage groups to be
managed? What is to prevent, others, not listed for the low price
privilege, from nevertheless purchasing at these low prices? Obviously,
there must be some system of distribution of cards, or names and
photographs or names and finger prints, to identify the individuals who
are allowed to buy goods at the low prices and distinguish them from
persons who must pay higher prices. More NEW DEAL "democracy,"
-- this time in the form of making a record of the low-paid, providing
them with favored prices at government expense, taxing the rest of the
people to pay for the favors given, and at the same time subsidizing
farmers!
But what if some of the low-paid groups should try to buy plentiful
supplies of the goods offered them at the low prices and RESELL them to
others, thus making a. little profit for themselves and GIVING EVERYBODY
THE ADVANTAGE OF THE LOW PRICES AT THE TAXPAYERS' EXPENSE? Clearly, this
could not be permitted. The favored persons must be limited and
regulated. Each must be allowed only his specified amount of bread,
cotton cloth, corn meal and tobacco at the discriminatingly low price,
lest he sell the excess to someone else who is not on the favored list!
Hence, retail dealers most, presumably, be held responsible for keeping
each privileged buyer within his quota of purchases at the privileged
prices. In that case, privileged buyers can purchase any article on
which they are entitled to a specially low price, only at a specified
place. And the proprietor or manager of that place must keep a careful
record of each such purchase. MORE regimentation! Regimentation not only
of the farmers but also of grocers, clothiers and dry goods merchants.
The favored purchasers will select what they are permitted at the
special price, show their cards or ask for a checking of the store
records, and then pay at the privileged rate. Or else the government
must itself distribute the reduced-price goods to the favored consumers
through government establishments, and the necessary regulations and
limitations will be applied there. For, in any case, regulations and
limitations there must be.
How shall the favored citizens be selected? Wall all those who make
less than $1,000 a year be put on the list regardless of whether they
live in New York City, or in the country, where it is easy to raise
fruits and vegetables? Will the test be family income regardless of the
size of the family or will at be the per capita income of the family or
what? How much allowance shall be made, if any, for sickness in a
family, which necessarily requires draining away part of the family
income for doctor and medicine? Will those who desire the benefit of the
reduced prices be expected to make formal application? How much
investigation will then be required to determine whether the income is
low enough, the cost of Living in the locality high enough, the number
of children in the family large enough and the burden from sickness
great enough, to justify a permit for the discriminatingly low prices?
Will serious attempt be made to include all of the one third who arc "all
clothed, ill housed, ill fed"? Will the granting of permits be
influenced, in some cases, by whether the applicant vote "right"?
Will it take only a TINY force of government administrators and clerks
to gather the requisite information, keep it up to date, and prevent
enjoyment of the low prices by persons not intended to enjoy them?
Will our people finally revolt against the increasing government
control and limitation of individual freedom, and retire to private life
the leaders responsible for this control? Or are we becoming so
accustomed to ubiquitous and omnipresent regulations that such,
regulation will henceforth be submitted to without objection or serious
criticism?
It seems that we are well on the road to the loss of freedom, and,
perhaps, on the road to a Nazi state. And by methods not greatly
dissimilar to those practiced by Nazi leaders and followed by slick
politicians in all times and places, viz., by appealing to the
prejudices and desires and something-for-nothing instincts of the biased
and the self-seeking. "Give us power to regulate your lives,"
they say, "and we will give you something at others' expense."
It is not through the activities of a few organizations of foreign
born, whether "bunds" or anything else, that we are in danger
of losing our boasted freedom. And there is certainly no immediate
prospect of our losing it through revolution. We are likely to lose it
-- we have already partly lost it -- in less perceptible and more
insidious ways. Those who would regiment us, do it through mass bribery
-- bribery of low-paid workers, bribery of cotton farmers, bribery of
tobacco growers, bribery of the producers of wheat and corn, bribery of
the beneficiaries of a protective tariff. The members of each group may
resent and denounce the privileges accorded to the others. But the
members of each group are, in large part, eager to have the power of
government used to take something from the others and give it to
themselves.
The ideal of liberalism in an earlier generation was the abolition of
privilege. By no means all of those who then thought of themselves as
liberals were opposed to all forms of privilege. Not a few of them were
unable to recognize privilege as such, in some of its forms.
Nevertheless, their general philosophy was one of opposition to
privilege and of support for political leaders who would limit or
abolish it. But such is obviously not the philosophy or ideal of those
who have lately appropriated the terms "liberal" and "liberalism."
These present-day "liberals" -- whose influence is so strong
in New Deal legislation, are less eager to abolish privilege than to
extend it. They are less eager to do away with schemes by which large
groups get something for nothing at the expense of others than to
increase the number of those so favored. The more some of our citizens
have their hands in the pockets of other citizens, the better these New
Deal "liberals" seem to be pleased. But this is definitely NOT
the way to build either a good society or a strong nation.
To those now guiding the affairs of our country, it is either a matter
of no importance at all or else it is a matter for congratulation, that
a majority of our people must pay a minority for the very PERMISSION to
work on and to live on the earth, in any except extremely undesirable
locations. The fact that a majority must pay tremendous sums to a
comparatively few for location advantages produced by COMMUNITY
development is not a matter of apparent concern to any of the leaders of
the New Deal. The fact that the masses of our people, from one end of
our country to the other, must pay heavy taxes in their food and
clothing bills, in order to RELIEVE landowners of taxes on the
COMMUNITY-PRODUCED value of their land, does not seem to concern them.
Nor are they seemingly concerned at all by the fact that labor's
productivity is reduced -- and the wages at which employment can be
obtained thereby kept down -- by the speculative holding out of use of
good land in every one of our cities, and of various natural resources.
Indeed, so far as agricultural land is to be considered in this
connection, the New Deal has PAID the owners -- and not poor farmers
only but well-to-do-plantation owners and big corporations as well -- to
hold their land out of use. Never in our history, so much as in this "wonderful"
New Deal period, has there been so well exemplified the observation of
Count Tolstoi that the "classes" are willing to do anything
whatever for the "masses" EXCEPT to get OFF THEIR BACKS.
Certainly the government has shown itself willing -- under our very "liberal"
New Deal leadership -- to give the farmers help at the expense of the
city worker consumers. And now it seems that the same leadership may be
willing, through the new proposal of Secretary Wallace, to give some of
the poorer workers help at the expense of other workers who are not
quite so poor.
So far, there has been no suggestion -from any one' high in the
administration, in favor of using ANY PART of the billions of dollars of
natural resource values and community-produced location values FOR ANY
PUBLIC PURPOSE AT ALL. Other forms of income may be subject to
administrative criticism and attack. But the income from land because
others must pay them for -- the income that a few can derive permission
to work on and to live on the earth, to enjoy the bounty of nature, and
to make use of community-produced location advantages -- this income our
"liberal" New Deal leaders have no apparent desire to attack
or criticize in any manner or to subject to any special tax.
Yet let us not despair. Perhaps some day we shall have a President --
conceivably, even, a Secretary of Agriculture -- who does not merely
sympathise with the "ill clothed, in housed and ill red," and
propose bungling and freedom-destroying schemes for their relief, but
who truly understands what steps are necessary and just to bring them
relief, and who id willing to lend his voice and the influence of his
great office to an advocacy of the way of freedom, -- including the
equal freedom of all to use the earth.
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