DEFENDERS OF CAPITALISM -- free private enterprise -- should
logically support land value taxation. If they truly believe in
capitalist incentive, they cannot consistently oppose this reform in
our property tax. For, in any city or state, to abolish or greatly
reduce, taxes on capital, definitely increases the reward -- the
incentive -- for increasing capital (buildings, machinery, trucks,
etc.) in that city or state.
To tax land values at a higher rate than now, so as to secure the
same total revenue as before, certainly decreases the "incentive"
to handicap commerce and industry by holding good and needed land
speculatively out of use. Such strangulation of the economy
(neatly 13 million vacant lots in American cities), cannot possibly
strengthen capitalism in its rivalry with communism. Instead, it must
inevitably weaken capitalism. Hence, our business and political
leaders who are opposed to--or merely uninformed about -- land value
taxation, though they may vociferously profess opposition to
communism, are, in practical effect, allies of the communists.
But how about labor -- how about the citizen who has no income from
property but must support himself and his family by what he earns at
his job?
Such a citizen is likely to feel that the ideal tax for him is a tax
which bears heavily upon the very rich whose incomes are many times
larger than his. And he is likely to feel that it should bear very
lightly -- preferably, perhaps, not at all -- on him. Scarcely ever
does he have the slightest idea that it would be any advantage to him
if land values were taxed much more and man-made capital much less or
not at all.
The truth is that a land value tax, within the limits of what it
can yield, would be move advantageous to him than a sharply
graduated income tax bearing heavily on the rich and from which he was
himself completely exempt. This may seem startling, for the tax
authorities generally cited never mention it. Yet it is none the less
true. And despite the fact that the recognized authorities seem to be
unaware of it, it is as important as it is true.
To reform our property tax by abolishing -- or at any rate greatly
reducing -- the tax on buildings and other man-made capital, and
increasing the tax on land values so as to get the necessary revenue,
would greatly benefit such a worker. But how?
(1) By breaking the log jam holding land speculatively out of use,
land value taxation would make building sites cheaper. This alone
would inevitably lower the cost of rental housing and would lower,
also, the cost of buying or building a home. And it is not necessarily
only the lower price of land that makes rental housing cost less. For
with the tax on buildings abolished -- or greatly reduced--those who
buy or build rental housing may for this reason, too, more easily
afford to charge lower rentals.
(2) Slum owners will no longer be punished by higher taxes if they
make their slums less slumlike; and they will no longer be rewarded by
lower taxes if they allow their slums to become still less habitable.
Consequently, fewer of our low income families will be forced to live
under the almost intolerable conditions that many of them must now
suffer.
(3) Obviously, industrialists are more likely to build, expand and
modernize when they are not penalized by higher taxes for doing so.
Thus labor is better equipped and can produce more and, therefore, can
earn more.
A sharply progressive income tax, with substantial exemptions, may
indeed take little or nothing from a worker's pay check. But it
cannot, in addition, lower the cost of rental housing, lower the cost
of acquiring a home, minimize slums or increase the worker's
productivity, -- hence, his wages. A land value tax can accomplish all
four of these.
Here is a reform consistent with the principles of incentive to
which capitalists give at least lip service, and demonstrably more
advantageous to labor than any other tax Policy can possibly be.
Should not both capital and labor support it enthusiastically!