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| Keynesian
Depression Analysis versus A Money and Credit Approach |
| [Reprinted from the
Henry George News, September, 1961] |
There is a considerable group or "school" of economists,
followers of the late John Maynard (Lord) Keynes, whose view it is that
very low returns on capital conduce to business depression through
causing men to bold idle, waiting for a more favorable conjuncture,
funds they would otherwise lend or invest. Because of such hoarding,
they argue, demand for labor and for commodities is reduced, workers are
subjected to unemployment and business activity is decreased.
"The concept of Hoarding," said Lord Keynes, "may
be regarded as a first approximation to the concept of Liquidity-preference.
Indeed, if we were to substitute 'propensity to hoard' for 'hoarding,'
it would come to substantially the same thing."
It is, of course, true that few persons are willing to borrow
at (say) 4 per cent interest when they are confident that the capital
thus secured will yield only 1-1/2 or 2 per cent. Maybe some would
rather hoard for quite a while than to lend or invest for an expected
return so low.
Keynes refers to the experience of Great Britain and the United States
after the first World War as "actual examples" showing that
accumulation of wealth can be great enough to reduce the return on
capital to so low a point as to cause such hoarding ("liquidity-preference").
But in saying this, he completely ignores the significance of taxation!
Yet the returns from investment which motivate investors are the
returns they anticipate will come to them. It is not the per
cent efficiency of capital in adding to annual output which concerns
them, but the per cent which comes to them personally. In other words,
they invest for what is left after the yield of capital has been
tapped by the state or local government (and also the national
government) for public expenditure.
If, therefore, we were to untax capital and draw sufficient additional
revenue to make up the loss, by heavier taxes on the
geologically-produced and community-produced value of land, this would
certainly provide a greater reward to those who save and invest
in capital. If it is really true as Keynes contended, that the lack of
an adequate gain on investment leads to business depression and
unemployment, and if by such a change in tax policy we can decidedly
increase that gain, what are the overriding arguments against our
doing so?
Why should not the followers of Keynes join in urging this reform? On
the basis of their explanations of how business depressions are
or may be brought about, such a tax policy would be a definite help in
preventing them -- or, at worst, delaying them. On the basis of their
own hypotheses, it would offer threatened humanity at least a
reprieve and perhaps a long -- even an indefinitely long -- reprieve.
Why do they ignore it? Do some of them fear, perhaps, that to express
approval of a land-value-tax policy might make them professionally
de'classe'? Or has it never occurred to any of them that the possibility
of land-value taxation has any hearing whatever on the adequacy or the
c9r-rectness of the Keynesian analysis ?
Nevertheless, it does not follow that even the adoption of a perfect
taxation system, involving the taking of all or practically all of the
rent of land, would guarantee us against distressing depression. For a
significant decrease of the volume of money and checking accounts could
bring such a depression.
In 1929 the supply of "check book money" was about $22
billion. In the next few years it decreased greatly by more than a
third. The general run of citizens have no idea what such a decrease can
do or how its evil consequences can be avoided. Certainly with that much
less money it is impossible for the people to buy as many goods
unless the prices of goods are greatly reduced. Hence there must
be unemployment. And even if the prices of goods do fall greatly, there
must still be unemployment unless workers are willing to take, and do
take, greatly reduced wages. For if the employing companies must accept
these reduced prices, they simply cannot keep their hired employees at
the previous wages without quickly going bankrupt. Do you think
the wage earners will quickly offer to accept wages that look to
them much lower than they have been accustomed to (any more than owners
of property will quickly reduce their charges to tenants)? Do you
think that union leaders will generally urge their constituents
to do so? Have you not heard more than once, the common idea of many
labor spokesmen that when there is depression the way to get revival is
to raise wages so as to increase workers' buying power and thus
stimulate the economy? But where is the extra money to come from? Does
it grow on trees? And do people generally spend or invest as many
dollars when they actually have fewer dollars?
Will money move from buyers to sellers faster at such a time? On the
contrary, when business becomes dull and prices begin to fall, money is
likely to be spent more slowly. Merchants and manufacturers are afraid
to buy lest they then will have to sell at a loss. When it appears that
prices are going down, it may seem wiser in the minds of many persons
not to purchase until they do fall further.
The fact is that to avoid the evils of periodic severe depression and
to maintain a reasonably stable level of prices that is fair to both
borrowers and lenders, we must have, somewhere, effective control of the
volume of circulating medium.
Please note particularly that the policy here suggested is not one
involving price regulation or socialistic regimentation. It does not
involve government operation of any industry. In essence it is analogous
to, if not practically identical with, the establishment of a standard
pound, a standard quart, a standard yard. Since the dollar is a standard
of value applicable to all goods and services that are subject to
purchase and sale, the stability reasonably required is stability in
terms of goods in general rather than in terms of any specific
commodity, whether gold, platinum or silver. And just as it is conducive
to the smooth and efficient operation of a private enterprise free
market system that the yard should be of calculable length rather than
varying unpredictably between twenty inches and fifty-three inches, so
likewise does it conduce to the smooth and efficient operation of
private enterprise, that the dollar should be of calculable and stable
value.
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