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| [Reprinted from Progress,
May-June 2005] |
I recently received a gracious
letter from the Hon. Clyde Cameron A.O. in which he offers for
publication a long letter he wrote to a Queensland academic
researching the roots of the Australian Labor Party. In it, Clyde
lays out in meticulous detail how Labor's first 24 Commonwealth
Conferences (up to 1961) all reaffirmed the party's commitment to
Georgist principles of taxing the unimproved value of land. [Karl
Williams, Editor]
Clyde has had a long and distinguished career with the Australian
Labor Party, serving in the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party
Shadow Cabinet from 1953-72. He was Federal Minister for Labor in
the Whitlam Government from 1972-1974, Minister for Labour and
Immigration (1974-75), and Minister for Science and Consumer
Affairs (1975). In 1976 he was the Parliamentary Delegate to the
UN General Assembly.
Here we pick up the more recent history of the Labor Party at its
25th Commonwealth Conference in 1963 where Clyde demonstrates, to
the same title of a booklet he wrote (available from our Hardware
Lane office) "How Labor Lost Its Way".
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That is when Labor began to lose its way. In fact, by the time it
reached its 42nd Commonwealth Conference held in Hobart from July 31 to
August 3, 2000, the Labor Party could do no more than devote 21
complicated paragraphs on the "Basic Principles" and "Revenue"
of "Financing government", without spelling out its intention
to re-introduce Labor's 1910 law to collect the rental value of land.
In contrast, when the Menzies Government in 1953 had abolished the
Federal Land Tax that was introduced by the Fisher Labor Government in
1910, the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party authorised Arthur Calwell to
make a solemn vow that when Labor wins Government it would reintroduce
the land tax.
On 24 February 1953, Calwell spoke in opposition to what Prime Minister
Menzies had done, and told the Parliament: "We of the Australian
Labor Party have always believed that the land is the patrimony of the
people and that nobody has a complete and absolute title to it. ...The
land belongs to the people, and its use must be safeguarded and
protected at all times Mr. Calwell ended his 33 minute address with the
solemn pledge "We have always believed in the land tax, and when
happy days come again we shall restore the measure imposing the tax to
the statute book of this country." (Hansard, Vol 221, pp 165-170
passim).
A graduated tax on the unimproved value of land had remained an
integral plank of the Labor Party's Platform until 1961, when sneaky
Labor politicians stupidly preferred the Tory option of raising revenue
by high income tax and indirect taxation on the poor, and secretly
removed the commitment to collect the economic rent of land without ever
obtaining Conference approval for the deletion.
So, either by inadvertence, or maybe subterfuge, the fairest and most
easily defended form of raising revenue has been omitted form Labor's
Platform ever since 1963.
At the first pre-Budget discussion after the Whitlam Government was
elected in 1972, I raised the need to once again bring in legislation to
collect the economic rent of land, instead of levying heavy direct and
indirect taxation on wage and salary earners.
The following year, I wrote to Treasure Frank Crean asking that my
proposal be considered in the 1974 Budget; but nothing happened because,
like most adherents of orthodox economics, the Treasury bureaucrats
don't understand the economic rudiments -- Rent, Wages and Interest.
If only a Labor Government would return to Labor basics, it could
abolish the Goods and Services Tax and exempt the wages of lower and
middle income earners altogether.
Rent, is not a tax! It is merely giving to the community a rental
equivalent of the special advantage of being allowed to hold the
exclusive possession of a piece of land which due to its location or
productivity, gives its possessor an advantage other don't
enjoy. So, by definition, a piece of commercial land in the heart of the
busiest part of a big city, is always worth much, much more to the
possessor than the same area in suburbs or in the centre of a small
country town.
We must draw attention to the self-evident truth that the true economic
value of land is not created by the person who is in possession of it.
It is created by those who don't have possession of it, but who
would willingly pay the rest of the community a rent for the special
advantage of its location or productivity.
Every minute of every day, the gross injustice of the present system of
taxation is staring us in the face. And yet, we still allow the media
barons to blind our vision to a better way or raising government
revenue.
Working men and women living in our suburbs where the economic rent of
their various house blocks is quite minimal compared with every one inch
of street frontage on which the city's skyscrapers are built, will soon
see the advantage to be gained by paying the rental value of their land
in return for the abolition of today's heavy direct and indirect
taxation, and from the abolition of indirect taxation which they cannot
see, but which their pockets feel.
However, as our country lurches deeper and deeper into the mire created
by present day fiscal policies, the correctness of our land policy will
finally be gladly embraced by all except the wealthy and useless
minority which is now permitted to grow fat on the misery of the
majority.
The public has become wary of the major political parties which accept
large donations from wealthy vested interests. They know that these
donations are always matched by demands for special favours at the
expense of others.
This is why the scene is set for Labor stalwarts (i.e. average
Australian living in their modest suburban dwellings) to demand a return
to first principles, the most important of which is to restore Labor's
long-held commitment to collect the rental value of land so that the
present burdens of direct and indirect taxation upon the poor can become
a thing of the past.
It was in the shearing sheds from 1928 to 1941 that I began my advocacy
of the Labor Party's 60-year campaign for the simple truths expressed by
the great Henry George in his books: Progress and Poverty, The
Science of Political Economy, The Condition of Labour, Protection
or Free Trade, A Perplexed Philosopher, and The Land
Question.
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