Since time began, the control of civilizations were
achieved through systems of land tenures which required the
performance of some service in return for the allocation of land, to
that establishment in power. The Roman precarium was a temporary grant
of land made by an owner to a tenant in return for service. Land
granted in this way was called a "fief". The provinces
outside Italy were ruled by a Roman Governor who collected the taxes
as recounted in the Bible by St. Luke, "and it came to pass in
those days; that there went out a decree from Caesar Augustus, that
all the world should be taxed."
The Roman Empire's demise can be directly
attributed to the masses of the people at the bottom of the pyramid
who received little benefits for the wealth that they created,
ultimately revolting by withdrawing their labor and support to its
continued existence. As recounted in the most recent July 1997 issue
of National Geographic Magazine, commenting on the Roman Empire and
the causes for its downfall: "In Rome tax evasion became such an
art form among the rich that the farmers and peasants, particularly in
Italy, were bled white to maintain the revenue flow."
Nevertheless, even after the Roman downfall, those successors in
power, paradoxically, adopted the same system for their own survival
and in order to insure their continued control of the land they
conquered, set up a system of primitive feudal land tenures.
Brevity will not permit me to tell you of the step
by step development of the feudal system as we understand it today.
Suffice it to say, that in its refinement, the continued "ace in
the hole", was the control and distribution of the land. When
William was crowned King of England in 1066, he immediately
distributed the land of the conquered, rewarding his friends, and
punishing his foes. The land of those who fought against the conqueror
was seized and divided among his followers and himself. No land was to
be held in absolute ownership. Every landlord would hold directly or
indirectly to the king. It is for this reason that feudalism involved
not only proprietorship of the soil but also of the inhabitants living
on it. Political power could only be maintained by control of the
population and by attaching the population to the soil and thus making
them part and parcel of the land on which they resided. This created a
species of slavery as a means for sustaining the political power of
the sovereign. In this way the people in the various lands could be
controlled by the lords above them.
While a person was merely a tenant to those above
him, he was lord to those below him and accordingly was termed "meanse"
or "middle lord". Thus, land held by one tenant of a
superior was known as a "feud", "fief", or a "fee"
-- the term being derived from "feudum', and was
contra-distinguished from "allodial" land (land which was
possessed by a man in his own right, not incident of another and
without any obligation of rent or services.)
King William had to solve the problem of holding
the English in subjugation while keeping a check on his Norman
followers. In the case of the English, he continued the practice of
seizing the lands of those who resisted his authority and turning them
over to Norman lords, each of whom had to furnish a contingent of
soldiers in proportion to the size of his land grant. Secondly,
William secured every district he conquered with a castle garrisoned
with his own men.
From that date to this time, there has been no
change in the land ownership system except by its surreptitious
refinement. Any reforms that were made were the result of a constant
whittling away of the obligation of tenure to the government.
While it is still true today that there is no
absolute ownership of land, the amount of the tenure, or as we call it
land rent or land value taxation, due the government has been
considerably diminished.
To my knowledge there is no "allodial"
land in the United States and when this country was founded it was
created by charters granted to certain persons and organizations for
the development of the new land. The first colonial charters for the
settlements of North America were granted to the Plymouth Company and
to the Virginia Company. They were joint stock companies composed of "knights,
gentlemen, merchants and other adventures as stockholders". They
were in effect colonizing companies, and the ownership of or profit
from the sale of the land was one of the purposes of their
organization.
The charters provided that the king was to grant
land to any person recommended by the council of each colony on its
petition. The only reservation as to the land use was the usual
provision, in those days that five percent of the gold and silver
recovered from the land be reserved to the king. Although the colony
land system was essentially English, attempts to introduce the feudal
system of land tenure to the American colonies largely resulted in
failure and quit rents demanded of settlers were ignored.
Nevertheless, as finally determined by the states,
land was granted to holders from the state and upon the owner's demise
or failure to pay taxes to the lord escheated to the government. The
law which applied to the ownership of land remained essentially the
same as that evolved from the common law, which was based on the
feudal system.
An estate in fee simple is the entire interest and
property in land by the tenant to himself and his heirs forever. The
word "fee" was originally used in the sense of "feud",
referring to land which was held of a feudal superior in
contra-distinction to land held "allodially".
The grants to the colonial proprietors were in free
and common socage, the services reserved consisting either of a
nominal rent, inferior services or only of the incident of fealty
marking the feudal relation. After the revolution, the feudal position
of paramount lord passed to the state with the other sovereign rights.
There is really not much difference today.
In a number of the states all tenures are abolished
either by constitutional provision by statute or by judicial decision,
with the abolition of tenures the "Statute of Qilia Emptores"
("because the purchasers") is impliedly repealed. The effect
of this statute was twofold: (1) To facilitate the alienation of
fee-simple estates; and (2) to put an end to the creation of any new
manors, i.e., tenancies in fee simple of a subject. The abolition of
tenures would make such a statute meaningless.
In other states, however, where tenure exists this
statute is probably in force, with the possible exception of
Pennsylvania and South Carolina, but all tenure must be directly of
the state.
With that historical background let us apply the
economics of today in an attempt to "kill two birds with one
stone". What are the two birds? One would be the elimination of
most poverty and at the same time the implementation of a better
property tax system. What I am suggesting is Land Value Taxation, or
putting it in economic terms, appropriating to a larger degree the
rent for the use of land.
Webster's dictionary defines economics as "the
science that deals with the production, distribution, and consumption
of wealth".
This article is not to be a lesson on the different
economic systems; for that I refer you to the book entitled "The
Basic Teachings of the Great Economists" by J.W. McConnell. This
is one of the best treatises on the subject. I will, however, attempt
to explain in the most simple terms the basis for all of the
ramifications of the production and distribution of wealth.
Put in its simplest terms, the three factors of
production of wealth are land, labor and capital. The return for the
use of land is rent. The return for the use of labor is wages. The
return for the use of capital is interest. Of those three, only one is
unearned and that is the return for the use of land, or as most
economists refer to it as the "unearned increment". If it is
unearned, and it is, rent derived from land, nature's legacy, defined
as all of the material universe exclusive of man and his products; why
not use it for the operation of government?
Many have criticized the idea as theory when it is
not. It is already made a part of the property tax used by
municipalities throughout the United States. Others have said it is
wonderful but not practical or impossible to be applied today.
Yet, in the State of Pennsylvania over eighteen
cities have adopted a two-rate tax system whereby land is taxed at a
greater rate than buildings. While in the Michigan Legislature, I led
a study committee to Pittsburgh, where the Golden Triangle is located,
as an example of its practical application. Incidentally, when I
became Mayor of Southfield, I named the Southeast corner of the city
the "Golden Triangle". While the Committee recommended
legislation enabling cities in Michigan to adopt a two rate system, to
knowledge, it is yet to be adopted.
Why not use the rent for the use of land? You do
not have to do any thing for it while you have to work for wages and
you have to save your wages for capital to get interest. Why then do
we justify a system that permits the land owner to keep the increase
in the value of land, or the rent for its use, created by nature and
society. This article will attempt to answer that question.
Land tenures were abolished and in substitute
therefore other forms of revenue for the government were invented,
such as the income tax which fell on all three factors of production.
Its onerous provisions against labor are accepted by some upon the
spurious argument of ability to pay based upon how much one earns
without consideration of its source.
While Henry George was primarily known for his
so-called "Single Tax", the taking of all of the unearned
increment (land rent) for the operation of all of the government, the
merit for its partial use is valid today.
We have some Land Value Taxation today in the form
of our property tax. Unfortunately, because it is combined with the
improvements on the land, the average taxpayer cannot easily
distinguish between the two except where he owns land only. In
Southfield, however, the tax bills carry the assessed value on
buildings and land separately, for the taxpayer's edification.
It comes to me as no great surprise to find many of
those so-called pundit economists who advocate the income tax, to be
sizable landowners themselves. No treatise on the subject of wealth
misses making the point that it is real estate that gets millions and
makes millionaires.
I cannot quarrel with this, nor with the precepts
of those who take advantage of this counter-productive system. I would
be hypocritical and much worse, if I did not admit that I have
invested in land in Southfield and as a result thereof profited, to a
small degree, from those investments. For instance, a house came up
for sale on Southfield Road just north of Ten Mile Road, and I
convinced my law partners to join with me in its purchase. I knew that
Southfield Road would be widened to four lanes and increase its value.
We purchased the property with $3,000 down on a land contract for
$18,000. Just over six months later we sold it for $32,000. All of the
profit was from the increase in the value of the land.
It took some courage to practice what I preached,
but once after the first experiment in this adventure, I was forever
hooked and consequently found myself rationalizing my action by
espousing the merit of Land Value Taxation and thereby justifying my
investment in land as a means to prove my point. The practical aspect
of this is easily understood when in the talks that I give, and have
given, across the nation and in Canada, I could more easily ford the
question that implied that my advocating of land value taxation was
but "sour grapes" for my failure to have benefitted from the
system.
This argument has now been abated, as I said
before, by my own participation in the system, a system that is so
entrenched that we look at our politicians with grandeur as they make
magnanimous overtures of helping the minorities and the poverty
stricken, with other peoples' tax money. Oh, how ironic, that they
have missed the first who spoke of "Progress and Poverty",
but in his answer, Henry George so eloquently championed individual
capitalism and a system of free enterprise, without poverty!
President Johnson's charitable advice and the
Kennedys' good intentions and all others of those prominent national
politicians with landed estates, living off the lands and returns of
their property, at the expense of the impoverished, cannot cure this
counter-productive system by federal subsidies! Of all of the examples
of the exploitation of land is the oil industry. President Bush, while
an Easterner, came to Midland, Texas and formed an independent oil
company named Zapata. After making sufficient money he went into
politics, and you know the rest of the story. His relationship with
the Persian Gulf oil countries and their importance to the oil
industries made it no surprise when he acted with alacrity in sending
our troops to defend Kuwait when Iraq invaded this rich oil country.
Oil was the name of the game, not a war for democracy. Since 1985 Iraq
has been the largest purchaser of arms, much of it from the United
States, to be later used against us.
The Pulitizer Price winning book, by Daniel Yergin,"The
Prize", spelled out the epic quest for oil, money, and power,
chapter and verse better than any book I have ever read on this
subject. He cited David Ricardo, who pointed out that "rents"
were something different from normal profits, which set the ground
work for the nationalization of the oil by Mexico, Venezuela, and the
Persian Gulf countries. Oil was one of nature's legacies derived from
the land. Its geological presence had nothing to do with the character
or doings of the people who happened to reside above it, or the nature
of the particular political regime that held sway over the region in
which it was found. Rent was the difference between what it cost to
bring it out of the ground, refine it, and market it.
At this point one must keep in mind that the law
recognizes two diametrically and opposite bases for title to land and
personal property. Title to personal property is traced back to
creation, while title to land is based on force. It is preposterous to
reconcile the two, yet we do. If you have a big enough army, it is "OK"
to take title to land by force, as was done by the British, French,
Dutch, and Spanish in this country. Since time began, and right up
until today, wars are being fought over title to land.
The guaranteed annual income and other nostrums so
prolific today will not, and cannot, cure the plight of the cities.
True, they are accomplishing the upgrading of some of the minority
races by affirmative action laws so that they can be part of the
system. The economic level of the minorities will, undoubtedly, be
benefitted, but the bottom percentage of the impoverished will still
remain the same.
To say that we have solved our problems by the
creation of a system necessitating a guaranteed annual income for all
of those unable to work or unable to find jobs, is but an
hallucinatory device dreamed up by those liberal politicians financed
into office by their, and their supporters, ownership of land created
by God for all, but reserved to themselves under the system. They play
their role of magnanimity in spreading around wealth obtained by an
income tax with deductions not available to laborers.
At the last United States Conference of Mayors I
attended in Chicago in 1968, almost the last visages of local home
rule was lost to federal dominance. Almost all were federally related
resolutions and one, in particular, went so far as to openly advocate
the passage of all necessary income tax legislation to support the
socialistic programs that the good-intentioned mayors passed as the
solutions for the urban crisis now upon us.
It is hoped by this former mayor and now retired
judge, that Southfield can remain a glimmer of light in the blackness
of federal dominance. While Southfield's tax bills still carry
separately the assessments on land and buildings, subsequent
administrations have done nothing further to change to a two-rate tax
system. I hope that future administrations will adopt the two-rate tax
system which will not destroy the individual or the products of his
initiative and labor. We need a better property tax system that will
not penalize a person for building abetter building or home.
Now, some of you will say to yourselves, "What
is Land Value Taxation"? Is this a semantic circumvention for
what we already now know as our property tax in the State of Michigan?
Yes, I suppose that you could say that what we tried to do in
Southfield, when I was Mayor, was to follow the law as it was already
written. What we did was to place the same appraised value on the land
that had been placed on improvements. This corrected the inequality
that existed before where land had been under-appraised for as much as
one thousand percent. As a result, ninety percent of the home owners'
taxes were reduced. The definition of anything today is a matter of
degree. In Southfield, we did not have one hundred per cent land value
taxation, but we did have a lot more than any other community in
Michigan. Because of the efforts of the former Assessor and my
policies, while then Mayor, we emphasized the appraisal of land values
and its taxation rather than the emphasizing of taxation on buildings.
Whether that is true today is doubtful.
I would then perhaps, in a sense, describe
Southfield as but one drop of intellectual and experimental rain.
True, the economic pedants refused to recognize the validity of the
tax reform practiced by Southfield as a form of Land Value Taxation
but only compliance with the existing law, then why was it not
followed until my administration?
"What is in it for me?" I have often been
asked this question by people after explaining my reasons for
supporting land value taxation. In fact, I have had more problems
answering this question than any other.
To say that Land Value Taxation would help to make
a better world in which to live, that it would give my children an
opportunity to enjoy a better life, or that it would bring about the
ultimate goal of all people of a lasting peace and prosperity, is all
too simple. Nevertheless, it is just these simple answers that
altruistically motivate man. To deny this is to deny the nature of
man. It is the simplicity of Land Value Taxation itself that causes so
many people to question the validity of its application. This is
especially true of those economists who desire to make simple
solutions esoteric.
Perhaps more practical reasons can be understood
better, especially by those of us who have finally reached a point in
our lives where we are earning substantial incomes and are faced with
the income tax conundrum. It seems to me that in searching for the
solution of the taxation problem, we are faced with a selection of
alternatives. Trial and error alone would lead a person to pick
anything other than a tax based on income with its demagoguery, its
bureaucracy, its inquisitorial procedures and, last but not least, its
monumental cost of collection.
It is now more a rule, rather than an exception,
for those with earning power above the poverty level, to find
themselves paying exorbitant sums to have their income tax return
prepared for filing. Those with earning power above that level, in the
middle class bracket, could pay hundreds of dollars for this service,
and others who are in an even higher bracket, could pay thousands of
dollars for the preparation of their income tax forms. The recent
proposed flat rate tax would help in this regard depending on what
deductions would be permitted. Bear in mind, that in order for an
income tax to be successful for operating the government, it must
collect sufficient funds from our major wage earning population. This
means, much to the humiliation of the people who advocate its cause,
that, primarily, the income tax must fall on the people in the lower
income brackets. While each individual tax is small in amount, enough
numbers in this bracket would generate the necessary income. Some
people in the high income brackets must pay astronomical amounts in
income taxes, but most of them have learned how to avoid the income
tax by properly investing their money which enables them to take
write-offs against profits, while at the same time allowing themselves
the benefit of a tidy cash flow.
In the July 21, 1997 issue of Newsweek, an article
describing the proposed new tax reform bill pointed out that the tax
loopholes, about 300 provisions, are so complex that it will force
ordinary folks to line up outside H&R Block offices to receive
meager tax benefits they barely understand. There has to be a better
way!
Remember that the name of the game is cash flow
--not how much profit you are making!
Let me give you an example. I purchased a cement
block building that was at least 20 years old and which was about 20'
by 40' in size. The building had no basement, only rudimentary gas
heat and well water. This property I knew would become very, very
valuable land and from which there would ultimately be realized a very
high speculative profit. While this property was ripening in value,
the building was being rented for $250 per month, net. In other words,
all that I furnished was the building. The tenants, in addition to
their rent, would have to provide their own heat and electricity
incidental to the operation of their business at their own cost. I
determined the value of the building to be approximately $40,000 and
for income tax purposes, I would take a fast write-off. In other
words, the building would be depreciated to a value of zero over a
period of ten years. By way of simplification, if I took off $4,000
per year, I would have the privilege of subtracting that from any
profits from the rental of the building that I might make.
This, incidentally, amounted to a sizable loss
every year so that while I actually gained in dollars in my pocket,
for income tax purposes I would write off a loss against other income
that I received during the year. This example is a very limited
explanation of the advantages of the income tax structure that real
estate investment can have that is not available to the wage earner.
By the way, that same property became what is now known as Applegate
Square shopping Center which made for me a sizable profit. Almost
every day one can pick up the newspaper and read where either a
corporation or an individual made millions but paid little or no
income taxes.
Now, may I made it clear that I, for one, do not
object to anyone who makes his fortune as a result of the application
of labor and capital, increasing the sum total of the wealth produced
so that all of us can live a better life. I do, however, object to
those who through the monopolization of and ownership of the land are
allowed to retain this unearned increment at the expense and
deprivation of the producer.
Let's ask ourselves what are the other
alternatives. If we were to analyze this we would find there are only
two. First, the tax on labor and its derivatives such as the income
tax as already mentioned, sales tax, franchise taxes, and taxes on
capital which after all is nothing but stored up wages, or secondly a
taxon land values.
My choice, notwithstanding my own personal
investment in speculative land from which I will derive some unearned
increment, is Land Value Taxation.
How could this be achieved when the entire history
of mankind has been steeped in the traditional concept? If we are to
rule at all by any form of government, it would have to based on a
system that would protect or insure property rights in land to
individuals?
Modernization of the property tax could be a
beginning. Ownership of the land would not be disturbed. For starters,
a two-rate tax system could be employed by taxing land at a higher
rate than improvements. This was done in Pittsburgh and some thirteen
other cities in Pennsylvania. States that have adopted two-rate tax
enabling legislation are New York, Maryland, and Washington, D.C.
Other countries adopting this system have been Australia, New Zealand,
the Republic of South Africa, and Denmark.
Obviously, the Jubilee as related in the Bible for
the redistribution of the land was not the answer, nor is the answer
today. I categorically and unequivocally renounce the position that
the answer lies with Karl Marx's solution, the government ownership of
all three factors of production -- land, labor, and capital. It's
simpler than that! As Henry George pointed out so eloquently and so
much better than any of the classical economists, the solution is to
simply reserve to the government the unearned increment for the
benefit of the community which created it.
This article is an attempt to explain the
application of Land Value Taxation in the City of Southfield. In order
to understand Southfield, I have tried the semantic approach by
explaining each word by referents. For too long a time I have felt
that in the field of economics, the so-called "experts" have
been playing a game of words without explanation of meaning. Today,
more than ever before, because we think with words, it is important
that we understand their meaning and do not become mired down in the
morass of technical jargon to the point where we cannot adopt fresh
ideas regarding solutions for the betterment of our cities. I have
tried to keep it simple; tax the unearned increment.
Why, then, do you ask if Land Value Taxation is
such a good idea has it not been adopted? Is it some kind of
territorial imperative syndrome resting in greed? From the dawn of
humans the quest for land has been the salient theme of recorded
history. Nations and empires have fought to expand their domains. The
Chinese created a huge land empire in the East in the centuries before
Christ. Then came The Great Khans from Mongolia followed by Alexander
the Great who did the same thing. The Middle East with the Israelites
in claiming the promised land, the Canaanite, Hittite, Babylonians,
Egyptians, Assyrians and the Persians, the Gauls, the Vikings, and the
Roman empire, to name a few more, all fought to obtain more land than
they could use.
Then came the colonial empires of the British,
French, Spanish, and Dutch, basing their title to the land in India,
Africa, and America based on discovery and force. In more modern times
the Germans under Hitler, the Russians under Stalin, and the Japanese
went to war seeking to conquer other nations to obtain more and more
land.
Today the method is more insidious. It is called
market economy where land is included as the same as capital and so
there is no longer any unearned rent. Calling land "capital"
does not make it so, even if you invest in stock of a corporation if
the profits are wholly or in part obtained from land. No matter what
you pay for anything from an entity that it is not entitled to own, it
should not legitimize its ownership, although I realize that the
present law and practice today makes it lawful. I am convinced that to
change the present system will take more time than I can imagine or
estimate or else the happening of a miracle similar to the destruction
of the Berlin wall.
Take, for example, while still Mayor, I gave a
speech in front of the Northwestern Reality Association in which I
alluded to certain land in Southfield where enormous profits could be
made from the unearned increment by their purchase and resale. My
comments were an attempt to prove the wisdom of changing the tax
system. After the speech several brokers who I hoped would applaud the
idea of Land Value Taxation came up to me; instead they asked me where
could they find the land so that they could benefit by its speculative
purchase.
Will this innate desire in humans to get something
for nothing rather than working for it perpetuate the justification
for the private appropriation of the unearned increment? I agree with
Ayn Rand that the profit motive makes a better world by the resultant
increase in wealth and that it is not wrong to be selfish. But wait a
minute; that does not mean we should condone the right to steal what
nature and society created.
Take this analogy. Bill is living on Mars; the
planet is drying up. He looks through his telescope and sees Earth, a
green lush planet. So he gets in his rocket ship and flies to Earth
where he and his family decides to land in Manhattan, a fertile piece
of land with a good seaport. Jack, still on Mars, decides to do the
same thing except he lands in New Jersey, a garden spot across from
New York. Bill meets him when he lands and welcomes him to the new
world. "You and your family will end our loneliness; however, you
will have to pay me for New Jersey, as I took title to all of Earth by
right of discovery." Jack was dumbfounded and said to Bill, "Until
I came here it was not worth anything to you." Bill replied, "That's
right, but I took title to this property and while you created its
value it is now mine."
This narrative, while fiction, actually took place
in the founding of America under the colonial system. The Dutch took
New York and England took New Jersey. The rest of America was divided
between them, Spain, and France.
I am not an idealist. If we have lived under the
present system since the beginning of recorded history, to change it
can only be done by one step at a time. That first step must be
through municipal property tax modernization. Any change more radical
than that will be met with resistance too difficult to overcome. I
only hope that as I have been, that I will continue to be, a part of
this "Great Adventure" in trying to explain to others the
justification for the partial application of Land Value Taxation, not
only in Southfield, but in all cities and governmental entities
through the world.
In conclusion, our choices are to keep the status
quo or adopt a two-rate tax systems as renaissance to the ultimate
implementation of total Land Value Taxation for a BETTER WAY.
Editor's note:
The above paper was prepared in July 1997 by James
Clarkson to use in the educational effort of Southfield mayoral
candidate Barbara Talley, with whom he met personally in August.
Attorney James Clarkson served in the Michigan state legislature and
as Southfield, Mich. Mayor in the late 1960s, after which he was
elected a Judge. He is now in semi-retirement in Naples, Florida and
Port Carling, Ontario.
Judge Clarkson writes that Ms. Talley narrowly
lost her mayoral bid. (The Assessor in Southfield during Mayor
Clarkson's term was Ted Gwartney, who now is the director of the
Robert Schalkenbach Foundation in New York, NY. Gwartney authored a
1968 paper entitled, "The Southfield Story: A Lesson in Creative
Taxation."
(Southfield, Mich. and then Mayor Clarkson are
featured in Schalkenbach Foundation's film (circa 1970),"One Way
to Better Cities, The Case for Site-Value Taxation.")