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Modern Feudalism at Work
Raymond E. Crist
[Reprinted from The Freeman, January, 1941]
With the war spreading to the Balkans, the
future of Yugoslavia is rather dubious. Surrounded by treachery
and faced with famine caused by this year's crop failure, she is
in no position to resist Axis demands; but her worst weakness is
her own economic mess.
Dr. Crist's paper is thus particularly timely. It appeared
originally in more extended form in The Scientific Monthly
for May, 1940, and we acknowledge gratefully permission to
publish this condensed version.
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The Balkan region, long notorious as the "cockpit of Europe,"
is characterized by a deep seated restlessness and instability.
Turbulence, feuds and corruption are the heritage of centuries of
Turkish misgovernment, and these evils have been accentuated by the
conflicting Near Eastern policies of the Great Powers. In an attempt
to analyze some of the developments In the Balkan area as a whole, let
us examine a typical Balkan case -- Yugoslavia, particularly the
peasantry of Croatia and Dalmatia.
Before World War I the peasant in Croatia and Slovenia was a serf,
bound to the soil; this serfdom (Kmetstvo) was abolished only after
the war. In Dalmatia and Istria he was a share cropper; this system,
with its familiar abuses, has by no means disappeared, in spite of
laws passed to abolish it. In Bosnia and Herzegovina also the feudal
pattern existed, but there the landlords were Moslems; Christians
could be only serfs or free peasants. In 1815 there were 96,000 serfs,
151,000 free peasants and perhaps 10,000 landlords, and the free
peasants were almost all Moslems. Here, too, serfdom wag abolished
after the war; but the agrarian reform was carried out in such a way
that the peasant class was impoverished and the arable lands greatly
reduced.
In the provinces of Slovenia, Croatia-Slovonia and Voyvodina there
were 720 great landed estates with a total area of three million
acres. A little less than half of this land was expropriated; most or
it was given to the 300,000 families who were living on it at the
time. Each family received about three acres. In addition, other
settlers, including families of war veterans, received varying amounts
up to about 18 acres. In Dalmatia the share-cropper system was
abolished (at least on me statute books) and 97,000 families were
given possession of the land they had long cultivated -- 125,000
acres, almost all of which was In very small plots planted in grapes.
The great feudal estates of Bosnia and Herzegovina were similarly
divided up; the average family received about 12 acres.
Social conditions were largely responsible for these reforms. With
years of war behind them and starvation staring them in the face, many
peasants were ready to fall upon the great estates and divide up the
land without benefit of government decree. The peasant war veterans
who had become accustomed to the use of force heard vague rumors about
what had happened in Russia and clamored for land in no uncertain
terms. To these discontented classes the new government threw land
reform as a sop and gave the appearance of legality to what the
peasants were ready to do violently. Little heed was. paid to economic
considerations, and the plots were often too small. Furthermore, the
landlords were paid, at least In part, and they continued to live.
After what had happened In Russia they were glad to preserve their
lives and part of their prerogatives.
The peasants, on the other hand, derived little permanent benefit
from the partitioning of the land, and their economy today is meager
in tie extreme. They seldom have meat to eat -- animals, and often
dairy products, must be sold for cash, and (if a buyer is found at
all) in a buyer's market. At the little hotel in Krapinske a peasant
was asking 15 dinar (30c) for a big fat duck, and was unable to sell
it. The main food crop of Croatia is corn (maize) which grows well in
the hot summers and can be raised with beans and pumpkins under a
system of interculture, thus materially increasing the yield of
foodstuffs per acre. In Dalmatia the main crops are wheat and
potatoes. Everyone eats as much as he can until about Christmas, when
the supply begins to run low. During this season many peasants gain
from 20 to 30 pounds. But then comes the season of lean meals, when
the main dish for months is soup made of a kind of coarse cabbage. On
this diet the peasant is able to keep alive till spring.
A great deal of wine was once made in Dalmatia, but the market has
been hermetically sealed by the erection of high tariff walls.
Furthermore, there are the taxes. Wine must pay a 10 % transportation
tax if it is moved from the place where it was produced. The result is
that less and less is made. Tobacco is a government monopoly, and a
peasant must buy a permit in order to raise it. But since the cost of
a permit is almost prohibitive, a great deal is grown illegally. The
government seems to ignore the fact that trade brings wealth. By
putting prohibitive taxes on many products it baa driven the peasants
to the most primitive self-sufficiency.
In some poor districts the tax collectors have stopped peasants
coming from town and taken what money they had, since it was a
foregone conclusion that every one had back taxes to pay. To avoid
this the money was frequently given the children, who went home by
circuitous routes. Most of the ready cash goes to the government, and
the peasants have no money to buy manufactured goods. Matches may be
an unheard-of luxury, and if the kitchen fire goes out coals must be
obtained from a neighbor to start another. During 1932-1933 thousands
of homes used no sugar or matches. Even though there was no market --
or ridiculously low prices -- for their hogs, sheep and other farm
produce, a large part of the peasantry was chronically undernourished.
A high percentage of those examined for the army are unfit, and the
percentage of the fit decreases each year. The rate of infant morality
is one of the highest in Europe.
The small peasant is often driven to seek credit from the local money
lender, whose rates are very high; the very fact that peasants will
trust themselves to the tender mercies of these loan sharks shows what
a crying need there is for capital. Since the peasant often can not
make enough to pay the interest, not to mention the principal, he soon
finds himself in debt, working for his creditors instead of himself.
This condition continues until his plot of land comes under the hammer
in order to pay his debt. Then he joins the proletariat in the city or
becomes a day laborer in his village. A great many peasants have met
this fate, although they have attempted to defend themselves in many
ways. Of these, one of the most important has been the development of
collectives.
In former times there existed in Croatia a kind of patriarchal
community organization of society. All the grown male members chose
the gospodar or head man, who was vested with a great deal of
authority but who could be removed as soon as the majority wished.
(Now the authority of the gospodar has been assumed by the state,
which is not so easily changed.) Socially the "zadruge" was
a community bound together by blood ties; economically it was a
collective. Long before the war there was a well developed system of
these local cooperatives. Unfortunately, after the war many of them
were captured by aggressive modern business men who managed them to
their own narrow advantage. Despite this, the will to cooperation is
still strong in the peasant, and membership in the cooperatives has
grown steadily; they cannot yet, however, supply the leadership and
capital that it was hoped they might, as in Denmark.
Taxes are one of the most oppressive burdens the peasant has to bear;
they have remained fixed despite the steadily falling prices of
agricultural products. The collectives tried to have them lowered.
Attempts at negotiation with the central authorities were first made,
but without success. Then the peasants simply refused to take their
produce to market till the taxes were reduced. This bad the desired
effect in some areas, particularly in those where the officials had
been selected from the locality. The peasants were not only successful
in getting taxes lowered, but they gained confidence in their
collective strength as well. However, this action was less successful
in the wine-producing areas of Dalmatia, where the officials are not
chosen from the local communities, but are appointed in and come from
Belgrade. They were not interested in local conditions or in trying to
lower the taxes to a level at which payment would be at least
remotely possible.
In short, Yugoslavia is in the process of internal Balkanization as a
result of short-sighted government policies. In a half-hearted attempt
to foster ownership of land by peasants, the government has destroyed
security of tenure. The result is an uprooted peasantry, ready for any
change that might again stick their roots into the earth that they
have tilled for centuries.
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