






















|
Bush's Economic Team: What Were They Thinking? What Can We Do?
Edward J. Dodson
[Reprinted from
GroundSwell, January-February 2004]
The President of the United States urges his fellow Americans to have
patience; things are about to get better. We should just wait until
the tax cuts to the wealthiest people in the country take effect. He
and his team ask us to believe the billions of dollars in additional
disposable income they have received will be invested and filter to
businesses for expansion of goods production. He and his team have
apparently failed to look at what happened after Ronald Reagan
orchestrated a huge reduction in tax rates on those with the highest
marginal incomes and/or owned most of the saleable assets in the
country. Reaganomics was at first described as an experiment in "supply-side"
economics. In practice, what that meant was the combination of rising
deficit spending, rising interest rates, rising speculative investment
in real estate and the stock market. In 1987 the stock market
experienced a significant "correction." Not long afterward,
the real estate markets in the most overheated markets - New England,
the Southeast and Southern California - experienced a fall in values.
Another round of bank failures followed. Now, in 2004, the President
and his team of economic advisers is ignoring history, ignoring cause
and effect and somehow expecting their policy moves to achieve
different results.
The supply-side argument is that lower tax rates on incomes and on "capital"
gains will generate more than enough economic growth to offset any
loss in public revenue. GroundSwell readers know this cannot
work unless the tax reductions are applied to earned incomes and
assets of a material nature - and not to location rent or gains
experienced on the sale of land or assets the value of which comes
from the ownership of monopolistic licenses (e.g., taxi medallions,
liquor licenses, leases to public lands, etc.)
At a time when the Federal government is desperate for revenue to pay
for our military occupation of Iraq, the Bush team and Republicans in
the Congress decide to reduce the tax obligations of those in the U.S.
who have a most ability to pay and who have been the beneficiaries of
a tax structure already designed to reward speculative gains and
unearned income. As the deficits mount, the options are to find the
revenue by taxing productive work and commerce, borrowing from the
wealthy or putting pressure on the Federal Reserve Bank to print more
currency into circulation in exchange for U.S. government securities.
Alan Greenspan is not likely to go along with option number three
because of the impact this would have on monetary inflation. The
Federal government can shift some of the pressure to the states by
reducing funding of some Federal programs (although most members of
the House and Senate have earmarked spending for their districts and
states without regard to the expanding deficit). As the Federal
government competes in the credit markets, the likely result will be
to drive up interest rates, threatening the robust number of sales and
refinancings that have occurred in housing for the last decade.
The reaction of economists to the unfolding financial drama ranges
from no concern to warnings of economic collapse. Recently, one
professor at the Wharton School stated: "The deficit matters if
it raises interest rates, and it hasn't raised interest rates, so one
could say it doesn't matter." Another Wharton professor admits
that economists just do not know with any certainty what the effects
of rising deficits will be - there are just too many externalities,
too many variables to consider. He says the problem will not be
serious so long as total national debt remains below half of the
nation's gross domestic product. The assumption, of course, is that
this measurement - gross domestic product - is providing a meaningful
picture of the well-being of our society. That very assumption cannot
be supported and has been under attack from within the economics
profession.
We have few options. We can write letters of warning and protest to
our Congressional representative and senator. We can provide financial
and moral support to citizen groups working to mobilize public
outrage, such as United for a Fair Economy (UFE). As some of you may
be aware, our colleague, Alanna Hartzok, is now on the board of this
organization. In answer to the question, "What happened to the
surplus?" UFE observes:
"Back in January 2001, the Congressional Budget
Office (CBO) forecast a $5.6 trillion total surplus for the years
2002-2011. Now, in 2004, the $5.6 trillion 10-year surplus is long
gone, and we have deficits as far as the eye can see. Overall, the
10-year budget picture has deteriorated by $9.3 trillion in three
short years. What happened? Lower than expected revenues, tax cuts
and increased spending in the military are the three biggest
contributors to this loss. "Last year President Bush and
Congress passed $330 billion in tax cuts that mostly benefited
upper-income taxpayers and large corporations. These tax cuts have
directly and indirectly cost states and towns hundreds of millions
of dollars in lost revenue. Had the President and Congress set aside
for the states only one-quarter of the value of the tax cuts last
year (instead of the nominal $10 billion), every state could have
balanced its budget without either tax increases or budget cuts."
Our elected representatives seem to be more concerned with making
sure they are bringing enough pork home to win the next election than
with the longer-term consequences of their actions. We are small in
number. Our voice is rarely heard in Washington, D.C. So, what can we
do? What comes to mind is to follow Alanna's lead and join United for
a Fair Economy's efforts to bring our government to account.
|