.
| Why Did
Britain Abandon Free Trade? |
| [A paper delivered at
the 1979 Joint Georgist Conference, San Francisco, California] |
A few years ago, I spoke to an International Conference about the way
in which the United Kingdom came to adopt Free Trade in the middle of
last century. Yet we all know that Britain is no longer a Free Trade
country. What happened? Did Free Trade prove itself in some way deeply
unsatisfactory? < br>
After the notorious Corn Laws were abandoned in the period 1846-49,
remaining restrictions on trade were rapidly removed. The thirty years
which followed 1849 were a period of rising prosperity in all social
classes. Then, suddenly, everything seemed to go wrong. In 1879 there
was an appalling harvest. Grain from the United States and elsewhere was
imported in great quantities to assuage the danger of famine; but during
the 1880's cheap food from abroad continued to pour in, and improvements
in refrigeration technology brought meat as well as grain. Thus
agriculture faced a flood of foreign competition. About the same time,
British industry met a new challenge, though this was not immediately
recognised. Coal was the primary source of power, and iron the chief
component of machines. Britain had long been the main source of both.
Production continued to rise; but in the last two decades of the century
Britain was being overhauled by Germany and the United States. By the
turn of the century, the general standard of living was stagnant.
As prosperity faltered, so did political thinking burgeon. The 1880's
and 1890's saw an immense turmoil of ideas - often mutually
inconsistent, but all radical: Georgism and peasant-proprietorship;
socialism of both Marxist and Fabian varieties; a new and more militant
Trade Unionism; imperialism and protectionism.
War -- the South African War of 1899-1902 - brought further
instability. Once the conflict was over, Colonial Secretary Joseph
Chamberlain launched the idea of "Tariff Reform", in the wake
of the new imperialism. Britain and her Empire should constitute a sort
of Common Market-with internal Free Trade, but tariffs towards the rest
of the world. The self-governing parts of the Empire proved reluctant to
participate, and the campaign moved towards a demand for protection in
Britain. The Free Traders were on strong ground in opposing this, for "Tariff
Reform" would demonstrably produce a rise in food prices, and the
population was overwhelmingly urban. Even rural folk foresaw more harm
than good from Protection -- however disguised, and the Liberals, the
Free Trade Party, won a, great victory in the 1906 election.
A great battle had been won; but the struggle was not over. Not only
did vast and visible poverty and squalor remain, but they were not
perceptibly abating. The Liberals tackled that problem in a variety of
ways. There was "Welfare State" legislation: Old Age Pensions
and National Insurance. There was a complex struggle about the land
question, which got itself tied up with a constitutional battle over the
House of Lords. The public at large was excited over questions like
Women's Suffrage and Irish Home Rule. These issues were unrelate or only
tenuously related, to each other; but most of them were still unresolved
when war came in 1914.
After the war, a Coalition Government was in office. The Prime
Minister, Lloyd George, was a Liberal; most of his supporters were
Conservatives. Some relatively minor encroachments were made on Free
Trade, but the main question was still not settled when the Coalition
broke in 1922. The Protection issue was suddenly raised again by
Conservative Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin in the following year; but
the lines of battle were rather similar to those of 1903-06, and the
result was the same: victory for the Free Traders.
The struggle over Free Trade after the First World War must be set
against a new background: mass-unemployment. In the pre-1914 period,
unemployment usually ranged between 2 and 6%; from 1921 onwards it was
never below 9%, and often far higher than that. Baldwin's campaign of
1923 had been specially angled to unemployment; but people still saw it
as a temporary phenomenon. As time went on, it became more and more the
central issue of politics.
The Conservatives ruled Britain from 1924-29, and most Conservatives
were Protectionists; but they were in no mood to launch a frontal attack
on Free Trade. The lessons of 1903-06 and of 1923 suggested that
Protection was a certain vote loser. The Labour Party took office in
1929; but in the autumn of that year there came the Wall Street crash,
and thereafter the chronic unemployment of the previous decade rapidly
became acute. By the summer of 1931 it was around the 20% mark, and
showed no signs of abating. At that moment a short and sharp political
crisis pitched out the Government, replacing it by a National Government
supported by Conservatives, Liberals and a small but important group
'from the Labour Party. Later in the year the National Government went
to the polls, and won the most sweeping majority any British government
has ever had. Of the M.P.s returned, the vast majority were
Conservatives; but the facade of a National Government was retained.
In this atmosphere, the Protection issue acquired new urgency. The
Government itself was deeply split; but pressure from Conservatives
became intense, and early in 1932 the National Government decided in
favour of a general policy of tariffs. There was trouble within the
Cabinet; but the overall result was inevitably the abandonment of Free
Trade.
Why, we may ask, was the upshot so different from that of 1906 or 1923?
The argument for Protection was no stronger than it had been at any
point in the previous 86 years; but desperate people were prepared to
adopt any remedy which was offered with enough insistence. Glancing over
our shoulder, we note that other countries were suddenly accepting new
and drastic ideas in response to the upswing in unemployment which they
also were experiencing. The United States was turning to Roosevelt;
Germany to Hitler.
The real strength of the Protectionist argument did not lie in any
power to convince people that it would operate for the general good, or
even for the selfish good of particular individuals, but rather in the
fact that a society exhibiting great disparities of wealth and poverty
is necessarily unstable. In times of rising general prosperity people
will tolerate it; but when there is a serious downswing in conditions of
life they often turn to "remedies" which are strongly pressed,
even though these not merely cannot improve matters, but tend to make
them worse. That is why Britain went Protectionist in 1932; it is also
essentially the reason why many countries have turned to the even more
pernicious "remedy' of communism. People who appreciate the
fundamental wrongness of the quack "remedies" are often
unwilling to tackle the real disease. As this audience will appreciate,
we are back to Henry George and the land question.
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