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Agriculture Subsidies and Monopoly |
| [A speech delivered
in the U.S. House of Representatives, 21 December 1937] |
Mr. Speaker, agriculture is in distress. Many farmers are crying for
help. In desperation they are appealing to the Federal Government for
relief. In that respect the farmers are keeping step with industry,
commerce, finance; with wage workers and unemployed. Hardly a group,
whether engaged in business or workers in industry, remains that is not
casting eager eyes in the direction of the Federal Government, seeking
aid and help. And so the farmers of America are not only keeping up with
the custom and practice of the times, but in certain aspects have much
to offer in justification. The American farmer has been in distress and
suffering the pangs of unrequited toil for many decades. The millions of
American citizens whose livelihood is dependent upon tilling the soil
are being sorely tried. Their homes and their farms are constantly
passing out of their hands, so that the roll of the tenant farmer is
growing larger and larger with the years. In consequence there has been
an acute American farm problem for more than 50 years.
During those years political parties vied with each other in fulsome
platform promises. The declarations of the party platforms always turned
out to be empty and elusive. Of course, the game of deception could not
continue indefinitely, and so the time arrived when the farmers were no
longer contented with empty mouthings and vain promises. The Democratic
Party in 1932, by solemn declaration, assured the farmers of America
that, if entrusted with power, action in their behalf would be taken.
After assuming control of the Federal Government in 1933, the party
immediately undertook to honor its plighted word, and steadfastly
continued to translate its platform promises into law.
Contrary to common report that the farm legislation is emanating from
certain self-seeking individuals high in the councils of the
administration, whose sole aim is the establishment of a totalitarian
state and the consequent loss of our cherished liberties, the farm
program occupied a prominent place on the agenda of the special session
of Congress in response to insistent appeals from the farmers
themselves. The administration would be quite happy and the Congress
relieved of a vexing and perplexing problem if farm legislation could be
consigned to the limbo of forgotten things.
But there is no such good luck in store for the Congress and the
President. The farmers are demanding legislation on the subject of
agriculture. While the farmer has ample precedent for his present
course, might it not be profitable to inquire as to the reasons why such
economic distress?
There was. a time in the life of the American Republic when the
American farmer was the envy of the world. He occupied a place in the
national economy that was everywhere recognized as the strength of the
Federal Union. His station in life fostered and developed sterling
manhood and true citizenship. He was sturdy and strong; vigorous and
wholesome; independent and self-reliant. He represented the bold
peasantry of which Goldsmith wrote:
Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey,
Where wealth accumulates, and men decay:
Princes and lords may flourish, or may fade;
A breath can make them, as a breath has made;
But a bold peasantry, their country's pride,
When once destroy'd, can never be supplied.
No longer does he occupy this high estate. In common with his fellow
toilers in mill and mine and marts of trade, he is the victim of
economic forces and conditions over which he has no control, and so day
by day and year by year his place in the national economy is becoming
more and more precarious.
Agriculture is our basic industry. It is the most essential of all
human endeavor. All other activities are dependent upon the tilling of
the soil. Food and clothing are primary necessities. Both are firsthand
products of the soil. The place of agriculture in the national economy
is vital to national well-being. No people can survive, let alone grow
great, without healthy and profitable agriculture. And yet we find this
industry, in spite of its importance in our national life, helpless and
prostrate. Why?
A little journey to the field of elementary political economy might
shed light on the perplexing and baffling problem. Political economy is
the science of the production and distribution of wealth. As we stand
puzzled and confused before this baffling problem, one thing at least is
clear: The farmer - the dirt farmer - does not present any unemployment
problem. He always has work to do. And this brings us to the very brink
of the problem of production, for all productive effort involves work.
The farmer is a producer of wealth. The products of the farm are
brought into existence by the application of labor to land. Wealth of
every kind is created in the same way. There is no other method known to
man by which wealth can be created. The farmer is the pioneer in the
field of production. He is a living example of the process of bringing
wealth into existence. In the cultivation of the crops of the field all
the factors in production are employed. These in terms of political
economy are:
LAND, LABOR, CAPITAL
Land is defined as "the natural universe outside of man and his
products." The term "land" necessarily includes not
merely the surface of the earth as distinguished from the water and the
air but the whole material universe outside of man himself. The term "land"
embraces, in short, all natural materials, forces, and opportunities.
Labor is defined as "all human exertion directed toward the
production of wealth."
Capital is defined as "wealth used in the production of more
wealth."
The result obtained from the application of labor with the aid of
capital - tools - to land is wealth. Wealth therefore is "all
material things produced by human labor having exchange value."
The process of production or the creation of wealth is quite simple.
The farmer furnishes many striking examples. In his activities he runs
the entire gamut of production. He is a first-hand user of land. The
very nature of his labor impels him to contact the soil. He is a user of
tools - capital. And so the farmer in action employs all the factors of
production - to wit, land, labor, capital - more distinctly than many
other producers of wealth. Let not this fact, however, obscure the
simple truth, that in all production - no matter how intricate and
complex - the three factors of production are employed.
Now, since the process of production has been analyzed, let us examine
the problem of distribution. This is important. For it availeth the
worker little unless the factors involved in production receive their
just share of the product. In the unjust distribution of wealth there
lurks the germ of economic and social disintegration. The farmer's
troubles cannot be discerned, nor proper remedies proposed, without a
clear understanding of the laws of distribution. The farmer's miseries
are not due to his inability or unwillingness to produce. He, in
conjunction with generous Nature, produces in abundance, but somehow and
somewhere in the course of the processes of distribution of the things
his labor brings into being there passes out of his possession a major
portion without due recompense. It is this fact that is accountable for
his troubles.
And so let us examine the laws of distribution. It has already been
noted that the factors in production are land, labor, and capital. The
sum total of all production is primarily divided among these three
factors - the portion allotted to land as rent, the portion allowed to
labor as wages, and the portion allotted to capital as interest.
It is clear, therefore, that the amount which the farmer will receive
for his labor and capital will depend upon the amount the factor land is
able to extract. If land is plentiful and cheap, rent will be low. On
the other hand, if land is scarce and dear, land will be high. These
phenomena are illustrated in the history of our own country, the former
by the settlement of our western frontier and the latter during the
World War, when the cry went up over the land that we would win the war
with wheat. Homesteads and fairly sizeable farms could be had during the
settlement of the West for the asking, and consequently the item of rent
was absent. But after all free land was home-steaded or monopolized,
then arose the item of rent, and henceforth it played a decisive part in
the fortunes of the farmer. The experience of the farmers during the
World War is a case in point. The prosperity of the farmer depends in
large measure upon the terms for which land may be had.
By way of illustrating the laws of distribution, let us suppose that A
is the owner of 100 acres of virgin wheatland, worth, in its virgin
state, $100 per acre. B, a farmer, rents the land from A for $600 per
year. B has no capital and so borrows from C, let us say, $5,000 at 6
percent interest. With the capital thus borrowed B obtains the necessary
tools, seed, fertilizer to plant the 100 acres and erect such buildings
as are necessary for the protection of himself and family. Thus
equipped, B plants the 100 acres of land in wheat. In due course he
harvests his crop and finds that his labor was rewarded with 2,500
bushels of wheat. He converts his wheat into cash by selling it at $1
per bushel, so that the total income for his year's labor - assuming
that the production of 2,500 bushels of wheat requires the labor of one
man 300 days, involving 2,400 man-hours of human labor - is $2,500. Now,
the distribution of the $2,500 would, by virtue of the operation of the
laws of distribution, appear somewhat in this fashion:
| Rent paid to A |
$600 |
| Interest to C |
$300 |
| Cost of seed |
$150 |
| Cost of fertilizer |
$300 |
| Cost of threshing |
$125 |
| Cost of transportation |
$125 |
| Taxes |
$100 |
| Total |
$1,700 |
It will be observed that B has remaining for his year's labor $800 as
wages with which to support himself and family and amortize the $5,000
debt within the lifetime of his farm equipment and buildings.
The figures in the illustration, of course, are arbitrary and are not
intended to represent an exact picture of wheat husbandry. It does,
however, show the operation of the natural laws of distribution. It must
be noted that as one or the other factors employed in production exacts
a larger or smaller portion of the total product, the others will rise
or fall, thus affecting the amount that the farmer will receive as
wages. If rent rises, interest and wages will fall; conversely, if rent
falls, interest and wages will rise.
Inasmuch as the farmer is never out of employment and since all wealth
is the creation of labor applied to land, and as the farmer produces a
large portion of the wealth of the Nation, as evidenced by the sum total
of all the agricultural products, and again inasmuch as the total
production of the farmers represents the farmers' wages, less, of
course, the amount paid for the use of capital as interest and the use
of land as rent, does it not seem passing strange that his lot should be
so hard and his income so low?
It is plain that his troubles are not due to lack of work nor of
production. His labors are fully rewarded with the products of the
field. Nature responds freely and generously to his toil. Then why his
unhappy plight? Since it is not due to his indolence nor the
niggardliness of Nature, the explanation must be sought elsewhere.
Since his wages are low and the total sum of the products of his labor
are distributed to the three factors in production to wit, land labor,
capital, it would seem that the demand of either land or capital, or
both are responsible for the low income of the farmer. Capital, however,
being the tools used in the productive process, is powerless to exact
more than a fair share of the product. Capital is subject to the Law of
supply and demand. In periods of economic sluggish activity, interest is
low; in periods of active activity, interest is normal. Therefore the
trouble is not due to excessive interest. And since wages are low and
interest not excessive, it follows that the exactions of landholders are
responsible for much of the farmer's troubles. That the major woes and
worries of the farmers are due to the latter cause becomes clear upon
critical analysis of the problem.
The social phenomenon of the increase of land values with advancing
civilization must be taken into consideration when seeking the cause of
the woes and worries of the farmer. This phenomenon is outstanding in
every civilized country. It follows the wake of progress as unerringly
as do the colors of the prism in the wake of the shining sun. It is a
law of Nature as immutable and changeless as the law of gravity. The
greatest and mightiest stand helpless and powerless to stop or impair
its march with progress. Therefore the effects of this social phenomenon
upon the fortunes of the farmers are of paramount importance in the
consideration of the farm problem.
In periods of prosperity land values rise. During the hectic days of
the World War, when the cry went out over the land that wheat would win
the war and the price of wheat was soaring, wheat land and other lands
likewise increased in value.
The rise in agricultural lands kept pace with the demand and price of
wheat and other agricultural products. It was not uncommon during those
hectic days to see agricultural land sell for as much as $500 per acre.
And as the selling price of agricultural land kept pace with the price
of wheat and other farm products, the landowner was eagerly anticipating
his full share of the high price of farm products. Just as farm prices
increased, he demanded higher and higher rent for the use of his land.
This is the universal practice of the landowner. It will continue to be
his practice as long as he will be permitted to collect the profits
arising from land values. This is true no matter whether the farmer
happens to be landowner, laborer, and capitalist all in one or as tenant
or mortgagor. The ultimate effect on the fortunes of the farming
fraternity will be exactly the same. The result is exploitation of the
farmer as a worker. In view of the fact that there is no escape from the
relentless working of the law of rent, does not the fundamental cause of
the farmer's troubles become clear? In view of this stubborn fact,
surely prudence would dictate a change in our land policy.
The farmer is weighted down with excessive and burdensome taxes. He
pays a tax on his capital investment; he is taxed on everything he buys;
he finds himself a victim of a vicious tariff system; and in addition to
the endless list of taxes, both direct and indirect, he is the victim of
excessive freight rates on the things he ships to market and on the
things he has to buy. But this is not all. He finds himself the victim
of trusts and combines and patent monopolies in addition to the
perpetual exactions of the landowner. What is the trouble with the
farmer? He is the victim of monopoly exactions. And while he remains the
victim of monopoly, no planning - whether it be crop control, soil
conservation, subsidies, or whatnot - will permanently solve the farm
problem. As long as the farmer remains the victim of the ruthless and
relentless exactions of monopoly his woes and his worries will continue.
Obviously the remedy for the farmer's troubles is to abolish the
monopoly privileges now in private hands.
We are told farming is a way of life. Yes. But first of all it is the
way of 20,000,000 American citizens by which they gain their livelihood.
It is all very well to sound the praises of agriculture as a way that
leads to noble virtues and high spiritual attainments. But before this
noble enterprise can be touted in such strains the exploitation of which
the farmer is now a victim must be abolished, to the end that his
material wants may be gratified short of utter physical exhaustion and
spiritual bankruptcy.
The farmer must be freed from the many monopolistic exactions from
which he suffers. First and foremost of these is land monopoly. Land
monopoly can be easily abolished by the simple device of collecting for
public revenue the economic rent in lieu of the many burdensome and
depression-breeding taxes that now rest not only upon the farmers alone
but upon industry and business generally. Such a policy would clear the
way for the repeal of all taxes upon production. And with production
freed and released from present-day monopoly and tax exactions industry
would receive a mighty impetus. Production in all lines would expand,
and with the expansion of industry there would arise an effective demand
for labor. Consequently wages would increase, employment would be
steady, and the purchasing power of factory workers would rise. With the
purchasing power of the wage earners increased, trade and commerce would
experience new life and vigor and, in turn, the demand for the products
of the farmer would increase.
It is contended by students of the farm problem that if the American
people had adequate steady buying power the farm problem would be
solved. And in support of this contention they cite the statement of the
Department of Agriculture to the effect that if the American people were
possessed of adequate purchasing power there would be a market for 40
percent more poultry, 40 percent more dairy cattle, 100 percent more
acreage devoted to fruit, almost twice as much devoted to truck crops,
50,000,000 more acres of harvested food crops, and 40,000,000 more acres
of feed grains.
This is not an idle dream. Everyone knows that there are millions of
American families who are deprived of proper living conditions due to
their low purchasing power. With this condition corrected by means of a
proper and just system of distribution, the farmer's problem would be
solved. Then there would be no need for aid or assistance at the hands
of the Government other than such help and counsel as are now available
through the Agriculture Department, State experiment stations, and local
farm agents. In addition, the farmer can improve his economic status by
the establishment of voluntary devices such as cooperative associations,
better farm management, and modern business methods, and availing
himself of the advantages that science and invention have given to the
world.
But first of all he must be freed from the many monopolistic exactions
and unjust tax burdens from which he now suffers.
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