.
One Hundred Years Progress and
Poverty |
| [Reprinted from Grondvest,
3rd quarter, 1979. Condensed from a longer paper] |
(Retired professor of social
ethics, dissertation on Russian philosophy, has been president of
the Fellowship of Reconciliation, in 1972 president of the
alternative conference in Stockholm on environment up against the
one by the United Nations.)
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George's ideas have always appealed to me and still do, rather: do so
anew. I had to admit intuitively that land cannot and should not be
anybody's personal property. So, the rise of the land value as land-rent
increase shouldn't flow into the pockets of individuals or small groups,
but should benefit all for the good of the whole community. The fruits
of the cultivation of the land and of all urban and rural activities,
belong to those who exerted themselves for them, but the land itself is
not a product of human exertion. One may doubt the righteousness of all
kinds of taxations and disagree about it, but there is no need to doubt
George's one and only taxation: the collecting of all land rent by the
public institutions; the righteousness of this hits the eye.
And not merely logical. It occurred to me that it is concurrent with
fundamental precepts from the Bible, of prophets and apostles,
concerning property. The earth has not been created by man, but by God.
He gave her not to a few, but to all of mankind, to cultivate and
utilize. "Woe unto you who usurps acre after acre, until you own
all the land", says Isaiah the prophet, and the institution of the
Jubilee Year constitutes a lasting criticism for any bartering of land
and for all land speculation. A century has passed since. Where Marxism
has come into power, private ownership of the means of production has
been done away with. But the trend for the investments, the distribution
of the national product, the educational and cultural policy, the
remuneration of labor, etc., etc., everything is being decided by a
small party elite, which has claimed monopolies in every field,
maintaining them with the instruments of violence of the state, which
are at its unrestricted disposal.
Topical again.
Why are these ideas of Henry George topical again?
Henry George was a junior contemporary of Marx. As is known, Marx has
expressed himself extremely unfriendly about George, reproaching him -
unreasonably so - for propagating a panacea (a cure for all ailments).
George actually did hope that his socialization of the land would create
the conditions for the continuation of a just development of the
society, but this development could not be prognosticated by him, since
his central theme was the freedom of the people in the society. Marx saw
this as a defense of (all the injustices of) capitalism and reproached
George for not attacking the private ownership of all means of
production. One could call the abolition of private ownership of all
means of production Marx's "panacea"!
Probably the worst of these monopolies is that of information, being in
the hands of the party elite. Its consequence is that within the party
(let alone outside of it) no elaborate alternative with potential
options in whatever economic or political domain, ever comes on the
table. The results are: stagnation, sudden swerves, stagnation again,
but no tools to make the advancement of the society benefit from the
creativity of its members. As a consequence Marxism finds itself in a
crisis; this is also admitted by many Marxists.
In every, society exists a continuous tension between private,
personal, and group interests and desires on the one hand, and common
interest on the other hand. The public authorities and their
institutions have to look after and ^promote the interests of the
community, the so-called common interest. The community has, as have
individuals and groups, short term as well as long-term interests.
In order to have a strong case in the midst of this struggle of
conflicting interests, facing all kinds of pressure from the short term
interests of individuals and groups, the public authorities must have at
their disposal social wealth, a social fund, which could compete in
legal claims and power with the legal claims, power and property in
private hands. George's allotment of all land-rent to the public
authorities and their institutions would provide a firm basis for this
fund, so that the community will not be confronted time and again with
the frustrating dilemma of either curtailment of public expenditure or a
raise of tax.
In The Netherlands land is extraordinary scarce because of population
density. This to me seems an additional reason to begin thinking at last
in a more Georgist way and return the land to the community. This would
pull away the base of the scandalous land speculations.
Open question
George surely didn't envisage an almighty socialist state, nor an
economic social order, characterized by monopoly-capitalism. His image
of free association in equality could not admit either of these. His
vision was:
a cooperative society: "By a thousand different roads
(would) the public revenues be made subservient to the promotion of the
common interest and happiness. We would achieve the socialist's ideal,
but not by means of suppression taken by the state. Government would
change its nature and become the administration of a large cooperative
society.
As a first step he advocated: to render the land communal property.
This doesn't bring about an instant cooperative society, but as long as
we haven't even ventured considering and advocating that first step, we
are still trailing way behind George.
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