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New Landlords for Old
Lancaster M. Greene
[Reprinted from The Freeman, September, 1942]
Headlines put it this way: "Feudal Rent System Is Abolished in
Quebec" and "Seignorial Tenure Ends; Land Is Now Province's."
It was true that in November, 1940, feudal dues were paid for the
last time by about sixty thousand French-Canadians whose forebears had
paid such rent for centuries to the landowning seigneurs.
That final payment indeed did mark the end of "seignorial
tenure," a medieval system of landholding brought in the
Seventeenth Century to Canada where it survived for a hundred and
fifty years after its abolition in France during the French
Revolution. Seigneurs received grants from the French monarchs and
parcelled out pieces of their lands in rental to settlers or tenants.
Dramatizing this system in his "French Revolution," Thomas
Carlyle said: "The widow is gathering nettles for her children's
dinner; a perfumed seigneur, delicately lounging in the Oeil de Boeuf,
hath an alchemy whereby he will extract from her the third nettle and
call it rent."
Although this irony warned England of dangers which threatened if the
aristocracy failed to remedy its submergence of a miserable lower
class, the English conquerors of Canada permitted an economic
anachronism to persist to the extent that descendants of French
seigneurs, through 245 seignories, collected rent from about a third
of Quebec's rural population until November, 1940. The rent taken for
1939 was estimated by government sources at about $180,000.
Hundreds of years of unrest under the injustice of the private
collection of ground rent finally moved the Quebec Legislature to do
something about it. Analyses of the problem by Carlyle, John Stuart
Mill, Patrick Edward Dove, Herbert Spencer, and by followers of
America's Henry George were ready to bear fruit.
The man with the hoe and the man in the street at last could agree
with the statement toy the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Archbishop of
York, the Moderator of the Free Church Federal Council, and the
Archbishop of Westminster that "the earth's resources should be
used as God's gifts to the whole human race."
How Carlyle's perfumed seigneur must have chuckled as the Quebec
lawmakers discussed the means to do away with the feudal rent system!
"A little knowledge" was not enough as these good men went
about illustrating the saying that a people will always get the worst
government they will tolerate, or no better than the average man can
understand.
The mountain labored and brought forth the purchase of the privilege
of collecting these rents by the Province of Quebec for a reported sum
of about $3,200,000.
This is 17% times the 1939 rent, which it thus capitalizes at 5-5|8
per cent. Is there any real estate which can be sold at 17% times the
rent? It is more likely that the price will have to be three to ten
times the rent to attract buyers.
"Quebec will pay cash for the feudal rents," the Government
spokesmen said. "Then the sellers may do as they will with the
$3,200,000 they receive. They may buy labor products, or services, or
purchase other lands."
While this was technically correct, the Province of Quebec did not
have the $3,200,000 in cash, but has raised it as needed in the form
of borrowing from a banking group. So far the group has advanced
$2,000,000 and a balance of $1,000,000 remains to be paid. When fully
paid, the bank loans are to be refunded by a bond issue.
In effect, Quebec will be giving the holders of feudal seignories its
bonds, or promises to collect taxes, in the amount of $3,000,000 plus
interest. It becomes clear that the seigneurs are really to be paid
with a first lien on the production of each person in Quebec instead
of on the production of the sixty thousand fanners who had paid rent
to the feudal heirs.
This is a simpler, easier, less hand-soiling way of collecting a
return than that of exacting rent from each farmer.
But what of the farmers who have been rescued from the takings by
seignorial heirs? Do they have more to spend for dresses, secondhand
cars and radios? Why no, for they must continue to pay the rent,
although now to the Province. They are said to owe it to themselves
and thus to bear no burden.
But the farmer is too close to production to be deceived by those who
deal only in pieces of paper, in claims on production. He knows very
well that a collector is still coming around for the rent. By way of
explanation the Government says:
"Some of this goes toward your purchase of the right
to collect your rent for yourself. If you keep up your payments for
twenty-five to fifty years, you may own the land yourself and become
a gnarled edition of the powdered seigneur in a small way. You or
your heirs may then cease to produce to the extent you can charge
others for the privilege, that of getting at the earth."
What a philosophical smile must play over the aristocratic features
of Carlyle's seigneur as he notes that an ancient wrong has been
righted and the "Feudal Rent System is Abolished in Quebec!"
The citizens of Quebec may well paraphrase the words of Pyrrhus and
say: "A few more such victories for 'Reform' and we are bankrupt."
Comments by Herbert T. Owens
(Ottawa)
In his article, "New Landlords for Old," Lancaster Greene
sets forth in cogent words the underlying features of the abolition of
feudal tenures in Quebec. Among thinkers who advocate nationalization
of land, there are two schools: one which believes in nationalization
by buying out the landowners, some representatives of which are
Herbert Spencer, George Bernard Shaw and many in the British Labour
party; and those of us who believe the George way. Now, if Quebec had
taken a leaf from Henry George, there would have been no hangover,
such as the 41 years provided for in Quebec's solution. But what
American state would have done the job any better?
Mr. Greene states that "the English conquerors of Canada
permitted an economic anachronism to persist," but in 1763 Tom
Spence had not yet read his paper to the Royal Society, and there was
no agitation for nationalization of land in Europe. That came later.
The British extended their characteristic magnanimity to the French,
agreeing to respect all of the grants of the French regime. That
policy kept the French loyal in the Revolutionary War. England's
laissez-faire policy in regard to French rights in Quebec tended,
however, to slow up reform. Since Quebec became autonomous in 1867,
she could at any time have done what she has now belatedly done.
Nor has the province been forward-looking in other matters. For years
after other provinces had given women the right to vote, and had
introduced old-age pensions, Quebec held aloof. While Ontario gave the
Continent of North America -- and the world -- a demonstration of a
publicly-owned hydro-electric system, the very considerable
water-power development of Quebec is all in private hands.
But in the last four years Quebec has got a move on. A provincial
embryo hydro-electric body has been formed, and an agreement has been
made with the Province of Ontario for hydro developments on the Ottawa
river. Under the leadership of the wife of a French-Canadian senator,
though opposed by the Cardinal, the legislature has enfranchised
women. Quebec has joined with the other provinces in the federal old
age pension scheme. The old sore of the seigniorial rents has been
settled, though not as Georgists would wish it. And the Premier of
Quebec is leading a drive for higher educational standards for the
Province. The hopeful thing is that backward Quebec is going places.
And maybe she will go Henry George yet if the Montreal groups continue
to set the pace.
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