The Social Ills Identified by Henry George Remain After Fifty Years |
Charles O'Connor Hennessy |
[Extracts from the opening address at the International Conference to
Promote Land Value Taxation and Free Trade, held at Edinburgh, Scotland, 29 July thru 4 August, 1929]
|
IT was fifty years ago that Henry George first revealed
the insidious forces and tendencies that seemed to him
to threaten the progress of any civilization which aims at
the elevation and happiness of the human family. At the
very heart of the way of the life of the organized peoples
of the world he found ominous signs of the canker of
decay. He demonstrated the cause and proposed the cure
for what was and is the matter with the world. He vividly
delineated the enigma of the persistence of poverty amid
increased and increasing wealth. Where civilization was
manifesting itself in vast accumulations in the hands of
individuals, in great institutions devoted to learning or
to religion, in stores of the book knowledge of the ages, in
the progress of the arts and sciences, in the inventions
and discoveries designed to magnify the effectiveness of
labor, to improve communication and facilitate
co-operation between peoples, to lighten toil and brighten human
lives there, where these things were most in evidence, he
pointed to the anomaly of millions of people in every
country struggling for a living, or steeped in degrading
poverty. To the widespread social and economic
dislocation which he revealed, it was not difficult to trace
the unspeakable slums of great cities, the warfare of
classes, the prevalence of vice, crime and preventable
disease, as well as most of the ills, material and spiritual
even unto the curse of War from which the world
has suffered and is suffering.
We are here from many countries to bear witness that
a half-century after the first appearance of Henry George's
fearful diagnosis of a vast social disease, the symptoms
still persist. The cure remains to be applied. The social
anatomist who today would strike below the surface of
the body of human society as it exists in all civilized
countries, must find there a conflict of forces that may well
be taken to foreshadow disintegration and disaster to the
social fabric. As in 1879, when this book was written,
we can discern widespread social unrest in the world.
Industrial depression and unemployment are common to
many countries, and even in the nominally "prosperous"
United States great numbers live in poverty, or close to
its border line, and remedies for unemployment are now
being sought in still more restrictive immigration laws,
and in prohibitive tariff taxes.
Henry George predicted that the enormous increase
in the power to produce wealth which had marked his
century, due to invention and discovery and the
improvement of communications, would continue to go on with
accelerating ratio. This has come true to an enormous
extent in all so-called civilized countries most especially
n the United States of America. But without the
establishment of economic freedom in the processes of
producing wealth and justice in its distribution, he predicted
that increased wealth must benefit the few rather than
the many. It would have, broadly speaking, no tendency
to extirpate poverty and the social evils which poverty
engenders, no influence in elevating society as a whole
or in lightening the burdens of those compelled to toil
for a living. Again his prophesy has been realized. For
increasing wealth, and the condition that is referred to
as national prosperity, far from assuring contentment
and abundance for all, has tended only to widen the gulf
between the very rich and the very poor, and to make
more intense the struggle for existence that engages the
lives of millions of human beings, even in richest America.
If I would appear to single out my own country, the
country of Henry George, as today's most terrible example
of perverted social progress, it is not because I would have
you believe that the average American citizen is less
intelligent, less moral, or less humane than the citizen of
any other country. No informed or observant person,
in my opinion, could sustain such a contention. Nor
would I wish it to be inferred that American
statesmanship is today more blind or more backward than the
statesmanship of other countries.
But if I am to attempt (by way of vindicating the
wisdom and the prescience of Henry George) to delineate
the effects of material progress and prosperity upon the
condition and the tendencies of present day civilization
everywhere, I must, of necessity, put the United States
of America in the very foreground of the picture. For
the United States is now, by far, the richest and most
powerful of the nations. It seems to have reached a
veritable high tide of material success, and to be realizing as a
result, those effects which, in our opinion, must naturally
and in all countries, flow from the maintainance of the
fundamental injustice of the private monopoly of a
country's natural resources, which injustice, as Henry George
demonstrated by unanswerable argument and analysis,
is the basic cause of poverty amid progress.
In the light of the history of the fifty years that have
gone since "Progress and Poverty" first appeared, no
comprehending reader of it may now doubt the
extraordinary accuracy of the thought and vision of its author;
that he was seer as well as prophet an unerring
diagnostician of the social and economic ailments of the world
and of their cure, an inspired preacher of the way of
righteousness and salvation for the nations. Henry
George's intellectual eminence is now coming to be
recognized by discerning leaders of thought, even in his own
land. New editions of his books are appearing, and in
many American colleges and universities where, in the
past, his teachings have been avoided, young men and
women now are learning the lessons that he taught. The
great truth that he sought to make plain is slowly but
surely, we believe, making its way to the minds of men.
We believe it to be a truth most potent for social welfare
everywhere, a truth the recognition of which by mankind
generally would regenerate and revivify human
associations everywhere. This truth is that the social and
economic dislocations which afflict the world arise because
of that fundamental violation of natural law involved in
the denial to human beings of their equal and inalienable
rights to the use of the Earth. Out of this perversion of
natural law and this denial of fundamental human rights
sanctioned by the governments of the world, arises in
every country the great issues comprehended in the Land
Question and its portentous implications.
Because this is an international gathering, and because
good men and women in every part of the world are now
actively concerning themselves about questions of Peace
and War, of Disarmament, of Conciliation and
Arbitration, we would point out how vital to any permanent
settlement of such questions is the solution of the economic
problems to which we would first direct attention.
Here again, as at Copenhagen three years ago, this
Conference will be moved to warn the friends of World
Peace not to be deceived by appearances. Peace is not
in sight, and War and all that it means in burdens to be
borne in the present and in moral and material horrors
and losses to be faced in the future, still remains with the
world. True, there has been at Locarno a solemn gesture
of worthy intention and good-will between the nations.
But Locarno must always seem somewhat unrelated to
reality so long as governments take no steps to remove
the root causes of poverty in every country. From the
perversion or interference with natural laws flow the social
and political phenomena involved in industrial depression,
unemployment, the welfare of classes at home, the struggle
for international markets and privileges abroad;
international fears and jealousies, and those selfish national
policies which aim to advance the welfare of one people
by rendering injury to another.
We would call upon statesmanship to look behind war,
and the armaments and instruments of war, for the economic
dislocations which pervert the normal course of the lives
of human beings and of nations alike. We would ask
statesmen to face frankly the question of the meanings
of the signs of the times. Is the road that people call
Civilization leading the human family upward toward
life, happy and abundant for everybody, or downward
to some hell for rich and poor alike?
Men may cry "Peace! Peace!" but there can be no
lasting peace until the root causes of War are recognized
and removed; until the peoples may be led to accept a new
and simple philosophy of human relationships that of
equal rights for all, freedom for all, justice for all.
Political peace and economic war are irreconcilable. There
can be no political peace at home or abroad unless it is
founded upon co-operation in freedom and in mutual
friendship and respect. There can be no security that
will endure, until justice is established at home and abroad.
We would not disparage the efforts nor impeach the
sincerity of those who labor for Disarmament or for
Concilation. We feel that they are engaged in the most
difficult if not impossible of labors, which, even if successful,
would but serve as palliatives, rather than a cure.
We honor, also, those fine spirits of the League of
Nations, who sincerely labor for Peace; especially the
spokesmen in the League Assembly of those smaller
nations, whose statesmen, we believe, can see more clearly
and speak more bravely about the political realities of
these times. Nor are we disposed to underestimate the
good work that has been done in strengthening the
machinery and broadening the jurisdiction of the World
Court for the adjudication of disputes between nations.
But these things at this time seem to us to be of small
avail. The most helpful approach to a true and peaceful
concert of nations in the interest of permanent World
Peace must lie, as Professor Dewey recently pointed out,
not in the field of political diplomacy, but along the road
of economic freedom and justice that leads to a
realization of the common interests of the peoples of the world.
A philosopher has given currency to the pregnant
aphorism that "the power to tax is the power to destroy. "And
we, being convinced that common and equal rights to the
use of land are indispensable to freedom and effectiveness
in the production of wealth and to justice in its
distribution, aim to destroy land monopoly through the process
of taxation. That is, we would resort for public revenues
to taxes upon the values given to particular land sites by
the competition for their use made necessary by the
activities and the growth of community life. By the operation,
as it were, of a beneficent natural law we find that the
value of land tends constantly to rise as demand for its
use is increased by the manifold activities of organized
communities by the results of public expenditure, by all
the amenities and conveniences of what is called civilized
life. That is, land values, arising out of the association
and co-operation of people, are essentially a community
product. By every test then, of logic or of equity, the
policy we advocate justifies itself. To quote Henry
George, "We would simply take for the community what
belongs to the community, and leave sacredly to the
individual all that belongs to the individual."
And in the international field we aim to teach the world
that the highest interests of the people of every land are
identical with the interests of the people of every other
land; that human interests are interwoven and
interdependent, and that only under conditions of freedom,
of mutual trust, and of friendly co-operation may men or
nations attain to the highest destiny, material or spiritual,
that God makes possible for them. In brief, it is our
purpose as an organization, in the interest of peace,
prosperity and human happiness, to extend the area of freedom
in every land, not only because we are convinced that this
is the way to uplift the material welfare of mankind, but
also because it accords with justice and the moral law.
Here in the language of our inspired teacher is the
conclusion of the whole matter:
"That we should do unto others as we would have them
do unto us; that we should respect the rights of others
as scrupulously as we would have our own rights respected,
is not a mere counsel of perfection to individuals, but it
is the law to which we must conform social institutions
and national policies if we would secure the blessings of
abundance and peace."
|