.
Report on the 1974 Conference of
Inquiry |
| [Reprinted from the
Henry George News, Fall 1974] |
"The '74 School Conference was a gratifying experience and I think
we can expect new directions to emerge from the work we have done here
in Goleta," Henry George School president Arnold A. Weinstein
commented on leaving Southern California Sunday, July 14, to return to
New York.
Titled a "Conference of Inquiry" and hosted by the Henry
George Schools of California in Los Angeles, working sessions began
Wednesday morning, July 10, and were held morning, afternoon and evening
- with the exception of a Thursday afternoon sightseeing trip in Santa
Barbara - through to Sunday morning.
Goleta is a small town north of Santa Barbara where the mountains
shelter the area in the East and the Pacific Ocean on the West provides
natural air conditioning. The result is an idyllic atmosphere for
conference activities.
The Conference format, while new to the School, has long been used by
organizations serving the business community. Each session was given a
topic which, although not rigorously explored, served as a guide post
for discussions. After brief presentations by those who had submitted
papers, the assemblage was broken up into groups where discussion was
led by the speakers and other assigned to the task. Each group was given
two or three questions to consider. After something less than an hour of
such give-and-take, a "reporter" for each group offered a
summary of his confrerees deliberations.
This conference technique has several advantages. For one thing, and
perhaps the most important, the participants were enthusiastic about
being able to join in discussion, as contrasted with the usual situation
in which they must sit and be talked at. For another thing it allows for
the airing of widely diverse opinions with out acrimonious arguments -
people in small groups are more inclined to be courteous.
As used at Goleta, however, the format had some disadvantages. For one,
the papers that were presented never became the subjects of discussion.
For another, with the signal exception of the Saturday afternoon session
devoted to a demonstration of the high school program the School is
developing in public systems (see story elsewhere in this issue) none of
the sessions appeared to have done any more than interest or entertain
those present - perhaps an accomplishment in itself. Tom Sanders, a
retired industrialist, was the author of nine papers in the Libertarian
mode, bordering on the anarchistic. Mr. Sanders never quite crosses the
line, however, so that his position seems to be in the shadow of
Jefferson's famous dictum: "That government is best which governs
least."
For example, he offers the definition of a political system as a "group
of people who accept political action as a means for the protection and
enhancement of their own individual lives ... a contractual relationship
in which the political system performs various services for the
individual who, in turn, pays an agreed upon fee." Such a view
obviously leans heavily on the Jeffersonian "consent of the
governed" and Locke's "contract" to say nothing of
George's "cooperation in equality."
Perhaps the most interesting point Mr. Sanders develops relies on
another source, Jeremy Bentham's doctrine that humans will seek pleasure
and avoid pain, an approach that has recently been glorified by
professor B.F. Skinner in his explanation of the role of "reinforcement"
in human behavior. Mr. Sanders uses this view to point up the
disadvantages inherent in enlarged governmental activity. In essence he
complains that because government has police power, it can act without
regard to a profit-and-loss statement; that even if its activities are
rejected by the marketplace, they can continue for some time. It is only
in the long run, Mr. Sanders implies (and he doesn't attempt a
timetable) that the marketplace will reject these economic activities
and ultimately destroy the government that engages in them.
"An analysis of the contractual nature of the contemporary
political system," Mr. Sanders states, "demonstrates it is an
involuntary system which [because it is not reinforcing] the market will
ultimately reject." He asks us to "try to imagine what
institutions the market will raise to replace the political functions
for which there is a real economically viable alternative." This
climacteric could be something like a standoff between Ayn Rand's "Atlas
Shrugged" and George Orwell's "1984." It will be
remembered that Rand was more sanguine in that she denigrated the
efficiency of the collectivists in contrast with Orwell's grimly
competent Big Brother.
But at long last Mr. Sanders gets to the point: ". . . the key
issue is property ... what is the nature of property, how does it come
into existence, how is it 'owned' or employed, what is the contractual
nature of its exchange?"
Critical of the American business community, he blames businessmen for
support of the "political presence in the Market with massive
economic [he probably means financial] support of politicians favorable
to specific interests." Using Mr. Sanders' own criterion that
profitable exercises will be repeated, one can only reflect that the
businessmen have found collaboration with the politician profitable.
Quarreling with Mr. Sanders' pedestrian application of the "second
law of thermodynamics" (that heat will always travel from the
warmer material to the colder) would be profitless. His assertion that
there is no shortage of energy, but the shortage is in usable forms of
energy for our industrial plant, would seem well taken. Also he
perceptively calls attention to the global
device for financing
growth of the political mechanism. He is at once led to join the
prophets of doom, characterizing man as "master of technology and
immature in his philosophical understanding, brutal and aggressive in
his dealings with other men," and if his prospects are viewed in
present context, "man's future does not look promising." Yet,
Mr. Sanders sees hope: "the market is showing signs of rejecting
the involuntary political idea and reshaping our socio-industrial
complex around the voluntary contract."
Attacking the problem of pollution, Mr. Sanders sees recycling of
materials as the ultimate answer. He acknowledges that the cost of
recycling relative to that of processing new materials is a deterrent,
but he is confident that this relationship will be reversed in time by
the development of cheaper nuclear energy.
After summarily dismissing all our education systems with the thought
that "we are badly battered by this word [education] in the hands
of politicians," Mr. Sanders winds up his prolixity with a vision.
He visualizes major economic realignments on a global basis, fed by
rising "disillusionment" with political systems, encompassing
exponential technological growth, and fueled by soon-to-be-realized "commercially
practical fusion energy." Finally, he says, "I believe it is
man's destiny to explore and colonize the solar systems, to mine
deuterium on Uranus, Saturn and Jupiter as fuel for the 21st and 22nd
century terrestrial power plants."
Morgan Harris, a former economics professor who now teaches writing,
presented
using the United States experience as a model, he
advanced the oft-repeated suggestion to have the United Nations General
Assembly elected by popular vote (presumably in the manner of our House
of Representatives) instead of appointed by the member governments. "The
reason we have war," Mr. Harris assures us, "is that good
persons do not understand peace."
On the other side of the same plane, Robert LeFevre, former president
of Ramparts College, offered a series of notes on crime and criminals.
He suggested stronger reliance on private means of protection and less
dependence on government's delivering retribution as a deterrent on the
perpetrators of crimes after the fact. He makes the interesting, if
obvious assertion that "every new law creates new violators; thus
as government grows, the number of persons breaking the law increases."
And, he concludes, "it is becoming clear that if we hope to have
some measure of safety and protection in our lives, we are going to have
to turn to the market to provide it... the record that government has
run up in this and virtually all other areas is so dismal that private
protection remains a reasonable avenue of procedure when government
avenues fail." Mr. LeFevre's positions seem quite reasonable until
one realizes he is adamant in his desire to abolish all government.
In some 750 words William B. Truehart, now teaching at San Diego State
College, treats "Human Evolution" and sums up with the
admonition that man's environment be changed by abolishing special
privileges and coercive government so that he may enjoy real freedom and
allow the better side of his nature to develop - "but time is fast
running out!"
Writer John Parish laudibly starts out to present George's analysis of
distribution
somewhere between his "T" accounts and his
apotheosis of the late President Herbert Hoover and Bernard Baruch he
gets lost in mysticism, whereas he might better have paid some attention
to the roles of debt monetization and land value speculation in cyclical
behavior.
Proctor Thomson, professor of economics and administration at Claremont
Men's College, submitted a pamphlet, "Progress, Pollution and the
Dollar," subtitled Far as the Human Eye Can't See. Written in his
invariably engaging style, the tract raises some interesting points. "Under
modern conditions, unfortunately, the optimum amount of pollution is not
zero inasmuch as clean air or pure water are scarce commodities that
exact a handsome price in terms of the other useful things that must be
sacrificed to create them. The fulcrum of the issue, therefore, lies in
correctly balancing off the demands for pollution control against the
demands for everything else. How is this to be achieved?
"The right way to strike the right balance between costs and
returns is to establish a price that the polluters must pay if they
produce a unit of pollution but can escape if they control it. .."
Citing the evils of corruption and ineffectiveness that accompany
direct controls, professor Thomson says if private "control
machinery costs less than the pollution price, prevention obviously
represents the best use of the company's and the community's resources,
and the firms have a clear incentive to undertake it. At the point where
control costs exceed the pollution price, pollution obviously represents
the best use of the company's and the community's resources."
British barrister and historian Roy Douglas_warned that the
so-called_lessons of history
cause the recital of past events
will probably be selective, depending on the bias of the reporters, to
say nothing of the assessment of the past made to conform to the
analyst's predilections.
American historian Steven Cord, a professor at Indiana University in
Pennsylvania, commented on the development of new towns using the
principle of land value taxation to provide local services. He
recommends the purchase of land by a state agency for a new town
(possibly using eminent domain) and the renting of individual sites to
private developers at the full market rent. The rent would first be used
to repay state indebtedness and the additional rent collected could be
used to reduce or take the place of taxes that would otherwise have to
be imposed on the population of the new town.
InterStudent
The Saturday afternoon session of this year's conference had the
excitement often generated by competition as close to 100 people divided
into ten teams to work their way, like high school students, through
mini-courses.
As Harry Pollard, director of the host School in Los Angeles, explained
in his paper: "Thirty years of teaching adults was inadequate for a
confrontation with high school students - as we found when our
Interstudent Program began in 1970." So at the Conference Mr.
Pollard called on Janet Terry, teacher in the Foothill High School in
Santa Ana, Calif., to assist in presenting the new techniques developed.
Miss Terry was the first to use the mini-course in her classroom and had
a large hand in its formulation.
The technique involves the use of written questions, the answers to
which are designed to lead students, step-by-step, toward a conclusion.
The series of questions are interspersed with test questions that give
the teacher a gauge to student progress. Working in competing teams the
students earn points on the accuracy of their answers as well as their
alacrity in completing the material. The students are told, Mr. Pollard
explains, "they can lie, cheat, steal from each other and spy on
each other." The ineffectiveness of such devices is a lesson in
practical morality.
The competition takes the first four days of a course, the fifth is
given over to debate of prepared material. At present there are six
mini-courses, each designed to progressively develop the philosophy of
freedom. At the conclusion of each course, each team must drop one of
its members. Those excluded then form a new team. Moreover, the winning
team is disbanded and the remaining teams, starting with the poorest
rated, choose one of from among the winners.
A room full of adults competing in teams was a fascinating sight.
Unfortunately too little time was made available for the demonstration
and the conferees were deprived of the experience of the fifth-day
debate. Considering the length of the Conference, more time might have
been better spent on further demonstration of the Interstudent Program.
As it stands this technique has accomplished a good deal in having
brought the School into the public and some private school systems. It
has great potential although much development and refinement need be
done.
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