.
| Economy as
Viewed by an Anarchist |
| [A critique of Henry
George's presentation on political economy, reprinted from Mother
Earth, March 1911] |
There was also a dispute between two great Fathers of the orthodox
economic church, Ricardo and Malthus as to whether Rent cuts into Profit
and Wages. Malthus denied that it affected either. Ricardo, by asserting
that it reduced both, supplied the premises of an important Socialistic
school whose best known representative is Henry George. The fallacies
which make these controversies possible appear to me very largely
founded in confusion of thought and language between such terms as
(aggregate) rent and rent (per acre), interest (aggregate) and (per
cent.), even real wages and nominal, though that is acknowledged to be a
vulgar error. But they have a deeper root. The orthodox economists,
having contracted the habit of generalizing from the capitalist's
standpoint, are rarely able to see any other part of an universal truth
than what concerns the capitalist, as such. And the Socialistic writers
have not been able to correct them, because they, too, generalized from
a special standpoint. Endeavoring myself to set both right by taking the
Standpoint of Universal Man, or the Consumer, I shall most cheerfully
acknowledge every anticipation I can find: for it will give me an
opportunity to show that a view too limited and partial was what kept
from the truth men who often got so very near it.
14. Rent, Profit, and Wages, are commonly assumed to be the shares in
Distribution, falling respectively to landlords, capitalists, and
laborers.13 But surely there are others. The share which falls to
thieves is much too important to be justifiably ignored, if among
thieves we include bad governments, corrupt monopolies, pestilent
sinecurists, warriors employed in anything else than defense of their
own countries, and these are, most deservedly, so classed by the
orthodox Economy, which was the precursor and almost became the phoenix
progenitor of Anarchism. This share is not like that of children,
nursing mothers, beggars, unproductive laborers, who can get only what
the producers or the producer's exploiters have had first. If conquerors
and their creatures be thieves, as orthodox Economy teaches, the thief
gets his share before the producer. There is also an impersonal sharer,
Waste, which devours not what the producers choose to give it, for that
would be nothing, but all it -can take against their will. Floods,
flames, moths, rust, mice, kings, nobles, and pirates, must have their
undivided share first. The producer gets only what they leave. The
Socialistic writers are not insensible to part of this truth. Before
Saint Simon gave them anything like a scientific method , they perceived
that existing institutions were founded by barbarians whose, only trade
was war, and that the taint of origin pervades them all. Adam Smith
partly saw this, too." The reason neither he nor they have
adequately reasoned from this historical premise, is that both the main
economic schools were in a hurry to begin generalizing either from the
capitalist's standpoint or the laborer's. Waste and Plunder, so
important to the Consumer, i. e., to man, as man, were dismissed
with the remark that they took only from the gross product, and that the
laws of the net could be ascertained without considering them. But if,
as Adam Smith, all Socialists, and all Historic Economists, perceive,
the landlords and capitalists derive peculiar powers from government, an
institution whose original purposes were war and Plunder, it evidently
is not correct to say that we can get at the law of their share in
Distribution without first considering the laws of Plunder.
15. This error, springing direct from the Original Sin of Political
Economy, has been the fruitful parent of others. The definition of
Capital as wealth employed to produce more wealth, is incorrect. The
wealth consumed in war is not employed to produce wealth but to destroy
it; and a bond given by the government to those who lend it money during
war is not wealth at all. But to say, as Henry George does actually say,
that the bonds of a government are not Capital, is to deny that
Rothschild is a capitalist-a palpable reductio ad absurdum; for
he is a typical capitalist-a capitalist who is nothing else than a
capitalist, whereas most capitalists are also landowners and laborers;
which embarrasses us when we wish to class them, while he is classable
at once and forever as a capitalist. And, as all Capital is not wealth
employed to produce wealth, so much wealth employed to produce more
wealth-for example, the tools belonging to a man who lets out the work
he does with them-are capital in no ordinary tenable sense. For a
correct definition of Capital we are indebted to Karl Marx. Capital is
that which acquires Surplus Value, or a share in Distribution not due to
labor. It may be wealth employed to produce wealth, but is not
necessarily. It includes, therefore, slaves, accounts bearing interest,
and Land, though this is a peculiar kind, needing, frequently, to be
distinguished with much care from (other) Capital." This definition
certainly has the disadvantage of leaving us without a short term for
wealth employed to produce wealth, After considerable embarrassment from
this lack, I determined to employ the symbol W. P. W.; and I find it
very convenient. I shall maintain that W. P. W., as such, works, though
it may be Capital, in quite the opposite way to Capital, as such.
Capital is, in Wall street phrase, a "bear": W. P. W. is a "bull."
W. P. W. raises the value of labor: Capital, as such, always tends to
beat it down. "Orthodox" economy, having thus committed a non
distributis medii, in identifying with Capital what is only
sometimes a part of Capital, and fallen into the ambiguity of using the
word Capital in two inconsistent senses, proceeds to give an incorrect
account of the process by which both W. P. W. and Capital are brought
into being. Because under the existing "bourgeois" methods of
production and trade, most Capital is W. P. W., and because the
individual capitalist often becomes one by saving money, this theory,
still failing to distribute the middle term, asserts that Capital is
created by saving money. But in whichever sense the word Capital is to
be understood, Capital existed long before there was any money to
save. Does Capital mean W. P. W.? Then the forked stick of the
Digger; the bow of a more advanced barbarian; a tame horse, dog, cow; a
boat, a net, is Capital. What had saving money to do with making these?
They were made not by "adding parsimony to production," but
wholly by production, of that peculiar kind which is called Invention.
Now, it is a truth of the first importance that the economic functions
are always essentially the same-that they advance, not by creation but
only evolution,-a "simple indefinite homogeneity" becoming a "complex
definite heterogeneity." All W. P. W., from a raft to a Great
Eastern, an Esquimaux sled to a Union Pacific R. R.; a bow to a
quick-firing rifled cannon, is produced by Invention, and by nothing
but Invention. All the processes of trade-the opening of new
markets, the use of bills, notes, banks, stocks, clearing houses, were
brought into existence by invention, and by nothing else. Money owes its
existence to Invention and its use has very largely given way to that of
credit, a somewhat later invention which is admitted to serve all the
same purposes. An imperfect system of credit-exchanges still makes cash
payments periodically necessary, and the great cash accumulations of
bankers very useful; but of these accumulations only a very small part
is due to saving; which, moreover, to give it all the praise it has, can
accumulate nothing but money, could not do that if all the people tried
to save, and would be useless but for that series of exchanges whose end
is always unproductive consumption. To suppose an extreme casea favorite
device in economic reasoning,-we have seen what not only would happen if
all tried to save money-they could not do it, and they would all be
poor-but what actually does happen where this process is approached, as
in "Jewtown"-they all are desperately poor. Now suppose, then,
that nobody saved money -- that every one bought whatever he
fancied-what would happen? Since it is evident that if a man who starts
with nothing proposes to build or buy a house he must meanwhile abstain
from gratifying many desires of a more evanescent character, there might
be less substantial comfort than there is. But this does not seem to me
quite certain, for the number of such men who build or buy houses has
never been great; and, if we inquired into their antecedents we should
be apt to find they differed from less provident neighbors rather in
their natural tastes than their acquired habits. At any rate, there
would then, as now, be productive labor, without which no man starting
poor in a pacific society could gratify his desires at all; trade,
without which only the simplest desires can be gratified; and invention,
which is what improves all the means of gratifying desire. In short, the
effect of parsimony even in assisting production of W. P. W. is
much exaggerated.
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