PHYSIOCRATS
/ TURGOT
Everybody here is trying their hand at forming
declarations of rights. As something of that kind is going on with
you also, I send you two specimens from hence. The one is by our
friend of whom I have just spoken. You will see that it contains the
essential principles of ours, accommodated as much as could be, to
the actual state of things here. The other is from a very sensible
man,. a pure theorist, of the sect called the economists, of which
Turgot was considered as the head. The former is adapted to the
existing abuses, the latter goes to those possible, as well as to
those existing. |
James
Madison
12 Jan 1789 |
POLITICAL
ECONOMY / RECOMMENDED READINGS
In political economy, I think Smith's Wealth of
Nations the best book extant . . . Locke's little book on Government
is perfect as far as it goes. Descending from theory to practice
there is no better book than the Federalist. Burgh's Political
Disquisitions are good also, especially after reading De Lome.
Several of Hume's Political Essays are good. There are some
excellent books of theory written by Turgot and the economists of
France. For parliamentary knowledge, the Lex Parliamentaria is the
best book. |
Thomas
Mann Randolph
30 May 1790 |
POLITICAL
ECONOMY / PHYSIOCRACY
It is rare I can indulge myself in the luxury
of philosophy. Your letters give me a few of these delicious
moments. Placed as you are in a great commercial town, with little
opportunity of discovering the dispositions of the country portions
of our citizens, I do not wonder at your doubts whether they will
generally and sincerely concur in the sentiment and measures
developed in my message of the 7th of January. But from forty-one
years of intimate connection with the agricultural inhabitants of my
country, I can pronounce them as different from those of the cities,
as those of any two nations known. The sentiments of the former can
in no degree be inferred from those of the latter. You have spoken a
profound truth in these words "il y a dans les Etats-Unis
un bon sens silencieux, Un esprit de justice froide, qui, lorsqu'il
est question d'e'mettre un vote, couvre tous les bavardages de ceux
qui font les habiles." A plain country farmer has written
recently a pamphlet on our public affairs. His testimony of the
sense of the country is the best which can be produced of the
justness of your observation. His words are the tongue of man if not
his whole body, so in this case the noisy part of the community was
not all the body politic. During the career of fury and contention
(in 1800) the sedate, grave part of the people were still, hearing
all, and judging for themselves what method to take, when the
constitutional time of action should come, the exercise of the right
of suffrage. The majority of the present legislature are in unison
with the agricultural part of our citizens and you will see that
there is nothing in the message, to which they do not accord.
Something may perhaps be left undone from motives of compromise for
a time, and not to claim by too sudden a reformation; but with a
view to be resumed at another time. I am perfectly satisfied the
effect of the proceedings of this session of Congress will be to
consolidate the present body of well meaning citizens together,
whether Federal or Republican, heretofore called. I do not mean to
include royalists or priests, their opposition is unmovable, but
they will be vox et preterea nihili, leaders without
followers. I am satisfied that within one year from this time were
an election to take place between two candidates, merely Republican
and Federal, where no personal opposition existed against either,
the Federal candidate would not get the vote of a single elector in
the United States.
It was my destiny to come to the government when it had for several
years been committed to a particular political sect, to the absolute
and entire exclusion of those who were in sentiment with the body of
the nation. I found the country entirely in the enemy's hands. It
was necessary to dislodge some of them, out of the thousands of
officers in the United States. Nine only have been removed for
political principle and eighteen for delinquencies chiefly
pecuniary. The whole herd have squealed out as if all their throats
were cut. These acts of justice, few as they have been, have raised
great personal objections to me, of which a new character would be
[unclear]. When this government was first established, it was
possible to have set it going on two principles, but the
contracted-English half-lettered ideas of Hamilton destroyed that
hope in the bud. We can pay off his debt in fifteen years but we can
never get rid of his financial system. It mortifies me to be
strengthened by principles which I deem radically vicious, but this
vice is entailed on us by a just error. In other parts of our
government I hope we shall be able by degrees to introduce sound
principles and make them habitual. What is practicable must often
control what is pure theory, and the habits of the governed
determine in a great degree what is practicable. Hence the same
original principles, modified in practice according to the different
habits of different nations, present governments of very different
aspects. The same principles reduced to forms of practice
accommodated to our habits, and put into forms accommodated to the
habits of the French nation would present governments very unlike
each other. I have no doubt that a great man, thoroughly knowing the
habits of France, might so accommodate to them the principles of
free governments, as to enable them to live free. But in the hands
of those who have not this coup d'oeil many unsuccessful
experiments I fear are yet to be tried before they will settle down
in freedom and tranquillity. I applaud therefore your determination
to remain here, where, though for yourself and the adults of your
family the dissimilitude of our manners and the difference of tongue
will be sources of real unhappiness, yet lesser than the horrors and
dangers which France would present to you; and as to those of your
family still in infancy, they will be formed to the circumstances of
the country, and will, I doubt not, be happier here than they could
have been in Europe, under any circumstances. |
Pierre
Samuel Dupont de Nemours
18 Jan 1802 |
POLITICS
I find I am losing sight of the progress of the
world of letters. Here we talk but of rains and droughts, of blights
and frosts, of our ploughs and cattle; and if the topic changes to
politics I meddle little with them. In truth, I never had a cordial
relish for them, and abhor the contentions and strife they generate.
You know what were the times which forced us both from our first
loves, the natural sciences. The interest I have taken in the
success of the experiment, whether a government can be contrived
which shall secure man in his rightful liberties and acquirements,
has engaged a longer portion of my life than I had ever proposed:
and certainly the experiment could never have fallen into more
inauspicious times, when nations have openly renounced all
obligations of morality, and shamelessly assume the character of
robbers and pirates. In any other time our experiment would have
been more easy; and if it can pass safely through the ordeal of the
present trial, we may hope we have set an example which will not be
without consequences favorable to human happiness. May we not hope
that when the robbers of Copenhagen [the British], and the ravagers
of Spain [the French] shall be arrested in their course by those
means which Providence has always in reserve for the restoration of
order among his works, the pendulum will vibrate the more strongly
in the opposite direction, and that nations will return to the
reestablishment of moral law with an enthusiasm which shall more
solidly confirm its future empire. |
Benjamin
Rush
22 Sep 1809 |
PRESIDENCY
/ ELECTION OF 1789
Though we have not heard of the actual opening
of the new Congress, and consequently, have not official information
of your election as President of the United States, yet, as there
never could be a doubt entertained of it, permit me to express here
my felicitations, not to yourself, but to my country. Nobody who has
tried both public and private life, can doubt but that you were much
happier on the banks of the Potomac than you will be at New York.
But there was nobody so well qualified as yourself, to put our new
machine into a regular course of action; nobody, the authority of
whose name could have so effectually crushed opposition at home, and
produced respect abroad. I am sensible of the immensity of the
sacrifice on your part. Your measure of fame was full to the brim;
and, therefore, you have nothing to gain. But there are cases
wherein it is a duty to risk all against nothing, and I believe this
was exactly the case. We may presume, too, according to every rule
of probability, that after doing a great deal of good, you will be
found to have lost nothing but private repose. |
George
Washington
10 May 1789 |
PRESIDENCY
/ ELECTION OF 1789
Your favor of January the 26th, to March the
27th, is duly received, and I thank you for the interesting papers
it contained. The answer of Don Ulba, however, on the subject of the
canal through the American isthmus, was not among them, though
mentioned to be so. If you have omitted it through accident, I shall
thank you for it at some future occasion, as I wish much to
understand that subject thoroughly. Our American in-formation comes
down to the 16th of March. There had not yet been members enough
assembled of the new Congress to open the tickets. They expected to
do it in a day or two. In the meantime, it was said from all the
States, that their vote had been unanimous for General Washington,
and a good majority in favor of Mr. Adams, who is certainly,
therefore, Vice-President. The new government would be supported by
very cordial and very general dispositions in its favor from the
people. I have not yet seen a list of the new Congress. This delay
in the meeting of the new government, has delayed the determination
on my petition for leave of absence. However, I expect to receive it
every day, and am in readiness to sail the instant I receive it, so
that this is probably the last letter I shall write you hence till
my return. |
William
Carmichael
8 May 1789 |
PRESIDENCY
/ ELECTION OF 1808
I see with infinite grief a contest arising
between yourself and another [James Madison], who have been very
dear to each other, and equally so to me. I sincerely pray that
these dispositions may not be affected between you; with me I
confidently trust they will not. For independently of the dictates
of public duty, which prescribes neutrality to me, my sincere
friendship for you both will ensure its sacred observance. I suffer
no one to converse with me on the subject. I already perceive my old
friend Clinton, estranging himself from me. No doubt lies are
carried to him, as they will be to the other two candidates, under
forms which, however false, he can scarcely question. Yet I have
been equally careful as to him also, never to say a word on this
subject. The object of the contest is a fair and honorable one,
equally open to you all; and I have no doubt the personal conduct of
all will be so chaste, as to offer no ground of dissatisfaction with
each other. But your friends will not be as delicate. I know too
well from experience the progress of political controversy, and the
exacerbation of spirit into which it degenerates, not to fear for
the continuance of your mutual esteem. One piquing thing said draws
on another, that a third, and always with increasing acrimony, until
all restraint is thrown off, and it becomes difficult for yourselves
to keep clear of the toils in which your friends will endeavor to
interlace you, and to avoid the participation in their passions
which they will endeavor to produce. A candid recollection of what
you know of each other will be the true corrective. With respect to
myself, I hope they will spare me. My longings for retirement are so
strong, that I with difficulty encounter the daily drudgeries of my
duty. But my wish for retirement itself is not stronger than that of
carrying into it the affections of all my friends. I have ever
viewed Mr. Madison and yourself as two principal pillars of my
happiness. |
James
Monroe
18 Feb 1808 |
PRESIDENCY
/ EXPERIENCE
A letter from you calls up recollections very
dear to my mind. It carries me back to the times when, beset with
difficulties and dangers, we were fellow laborers in the same cause,
struggling for what is most valuable to man, his right of
self-government. Laboring always at the same oar, with some wave
ever ahead, threatening to overwhelm us. …In your day, French
depredations; in mine, English, and the Berlin and Milan decrees;
now, the English orders of council, and the piracies they authorize.
When these shall be over, it will be the impressment of our seamen
or something else; and so we have gone on, and so we shall go on,
puzzled and prospering beyond example in the history of man. And I
do believe we shall continue to growl, to multiply and prosper until
we exhibit an association, powerful, wise and happy, beyond what has
yet been seen by men. |
John
Adams
21 Jan 1812 |
PRESIDENCY
/ OPINIONS OF THE PRESIDENT
Our situation is difficult; and whatever we do
is liable to the criticisms of those who wish to represent it awry.
If we recommend measures in a public message, it may be said that
members are not sent here to obey the mandates of the President, or
to register the edicts of a sovereign. If we express opinions in
conversation, we have then our Charles Jenkinsons, and back-door
counsellors. If we say nothing, "we have no opinions, no plans,
no Cabinet." In truth it is the fable of the old man, his son
and ass, over again. |
William
Duane
22 Mar 1806 |
PRESIDENCY
/ REFLECTIONS
I received with peculiar gratification the
affectionate address of the citizens of Washington and in the
patriotic sentiments it expresses, I see the true character of the
national metropolis.
The station we occupy among the nations of the earth is honorable,
but awful. Trusted with the destinies of this solitary republic of
the world, the only monument of human rights, and the sole
repository of the sacred fire of freedom and self-government, from
hence it is to be lighted up in other regions of the earth, if other
regions of the earth ever become susceptible of its genial
influence. All mankind ought, then, with us, to rejoice in its
prosperous, and sympathize in its adverse fortunes, as involving
everything dear to man. And to what sacrifices of interest or
convenience, ought not these considerations to animate us! To what
compromises of opinion and inclination, to maintain harmony and
union among ourselves, and to preserve from all danger this hallowed
ark of human hope and happiness! That differences of opinion should
arise among men, on politics, on religion, and on every topic of
human inquiry, and that these should be freely expressed in a
country where all our facilities are free, is to be expected. But
these valuable privileges are much perverted when permitted to
disturb the harmony of social intercourse, and to lessen the
tolerance of Opinion. To the honor of society here, it has been
characterized by a just and generous liberality, and an indulgence
of those affections which, without regard to political creeds,
constitute the happiness of life. That the improvements of this city
must proceed with sure and steady steps, follows from its many
obvious advantages, and from the enterprising spirit of its
inhabitants, which promises to render it the fairest seat of wealth
and science.
It is very gratifying to me that the general course of my
administration is approved by fellow-citizens, and particularly that
the motives of my retirement are satisfactory. I part with the
powers entrusted to me by my country, as with a burden of heavy
bearing; but it is with sincere regret that I part with the society
in which I have lived here. It has been the source of much happiness
to me during my residence at the seat of government, and I owe it
much for its kind dispositions. I shall ever feel a high interest in
the prosperity of the city, and an affectionate attachment to its
inhabitants. |
To
the Citizens of Washington
4 Mar 1809 |
PRESIDENCY
/ TERM OF OFFICE
My opinion originally was that the President of
the United States should have been elected for seven years, and
forever ineligible afterwards. I have since become sensible that
seven years is too long to be irremovable, and that there should be
a peaceable way of withdrawing a man in midway who is doing wrong.
The service for eight years, with a power to remove at the end of
the first four, comes nearly to my principle as corrected by
experience; and it is in adherence to that, that I determine to
withdraw at the end of my second term. The danger is that the
indulgence and attachments of the people will keep a man in the
chair after he becomes a dotard, that reelection through life shall
become habitual, and election for life follow that. General
Washington set the example of voluntary retirement after eight
years. I shall follow it. And a few more precedents will oppose the
obstacle of habit to any one after awhile who shall endeavor to
extend his term. Perhaps it may beget a disposition to establish it
by an amendment of the Constitution. I believe I am doing right
therefore in pursuing my principle. I had determined to declare my
intention, but I have consented to be silent on the opinion of
friends, who think it best not to put a continuance out of my power
in defiance of all circumstances. There is, however, but one
circumstance which could engage my acquiescence in another election;
to wit, such a division about a successor, as might bring in a
monarchist. But that circumstance is impossible. |
John
Taylor
6 Jan 1805 |
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