TAXATION
/ EXCISE TAXES
The excise law is an infernal one. The first
error was to admit it by the Constitution; the second, to act on
that admission; the third and last will be, to make it the
instrument of dismembering the Union, and setting us all afloat to
choose what part of it we will adhere to. The information of our
militia, returned from the westward, is uniform, that though the
people there let them pass quietly, they were objects of their
laughter, not of their fear; that one thousand men could have cut
off their whole force in a thousand places of the Alleghany; that
their detestation of the excise law is universal, and has now
associated to it a detestation of the government; and that a
separation which perhaps was a very distant and problematical event,
is now near, and certain, and determined in the mind of every man. I
expected to have seen some justification of arming one part of the
society against another; of declaring a civil war the moment before
the meeting of that body which has the sole right of declaring war;
of being so patient of the kicks and scoffs of our enemies, and
rising at a feather against our friends. |
James
Madison
28 Dec 1794 |
TRADE
I will take the liberty of hazarding to you
some thoughts on the policy of entering into treaties with the
European nations, and the nature of them.
My primary object in the formation of treaties is to take the
commerce of the States out of the hands of the States, and to place
it under the superintendence of Congress, so far as the imperfect
provisions of our constitutions will admit, and until the States
shall, by new compact, make them more perfect. I would say, then, to
every nation on earth, by treaty, your people shall trade freely
with us, and ours with you, paying no more than the most favored
nation, in order to put an end to the right of individual States,
acting by fits and starts, to interrupt our commerce, or to embroil
us with any nation. As to the terms of these treaties, the question
becomes more difficult. I will mention three different plans. 1.
That no duty shall be laid by either party on the productions of the
other. 2. That each may be permitted to equalize their duties to
those laid by the other. 3. That each shall pay in the ports of the
other, such duties only as the most favored nations pay. |
James
Monroe
17 Jun 1785 |
TREATIES
/ COMMERCIAL
With respect to a commercial treaty with this
country, be assured that this government not only has it not in
contemplation at present to make any, but that they do not conceive
that any circumstances will arise which shall render it expedient
for them to have any political connection with us. They think we
shall be glad of their commerce on their own terms. There is no
party in our favor here, either in power or out of power. Even the
opposition concur with the ministry and the nation in this.
I dined the other day in a company of the ministerial party. A
General Clark, a Scotchman and ministerialist, sat next to me. He
introduced the subject of American affairs, and in the course of the
conversation told me that were America to petition Parliament to be
again received on their former footing, the petition would be very
generally rejected. He was serious in this, and I think it was the
sentiment of the company, and is the sentiment perhaps of the
nation. In this they are wise, but for a foolish reason. They think
they lost more by suffering us to participate of their commercial
privileges, at home and abroad, than they lose by our political
severance. The true reason, however, why such an application should
be rejected is, that in a very short time, we should oblige them to
add another hundred millions to their debt in unsuccessful attempts
to retain the subjection offered to them. |
Richard
Henry Lee
22 Apr 1786 |
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