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| [Reprinted from Progress,
March-April 2005] |
Thank you to Gavin Putland for his article Which Robber?
in Progress number 1061, May-June 2004. In that he points to the
fact that land-monopoly is the ultimate robber who takes from production
what is left by all other monopolies. The author also reminds the
readers that Henry George discussed this question in Chapter 25 of Protection
or Free Trade.
The article gave me a clear view on two essential points that many
people, even Georgists, seem to ignore:
1. A monopoly is a Right -- protected by the
government's physical force -- for somebody to take out from the
market results of production without giving anything in return to the
producers.
2. Non-land-monopolists take their proceeds before the
land-monopolists (the ultimate robbers) take what is left for them to
take, which is the same as saying that non-land-monopolists reduce the
rent of land.
In everyday language an exclusive right for one, or a few, to do
something that is prohibited for people in general is called a "privilege",
and that is the word I prefer to use in the following. Thus I say:
Non-land-privilege holders reduce the rent of land
The assertion, that rent of land is currently reduced by non-privilege
holders, as described by Henry George and emphasized by Gavin Putland,
is supported by the figures published by Denmark's statistic office,
Statistic Denmark (accessible in English and Danish on the
Internet website www.statbank.dk):
These statistic figures enable the reader to understand, that nowadays
the Danish rent of land ("taxes on land" PLUS about 10% of "taxable
land- values") is only a fraction (about 4%) of the Danish Gross
Domestic Product and (about 8%) of the "total of taxes and duties"
collected in Denmark.
Unfortunately very few nations have a reliable statistic about the size
of rent of land like the Danish, but you may believe that everywhere in
the "civilised world" a still growing horde of non-land
privilege holders incessantly capture huge amounts from the quantity
that the classical economists (in 18th-19th centuries) called Rent of
Land. That capturing has accelerated gradually through the past century
without much awareness paid by Georgists who all the time have
aimed only on public collection of the residual rent of land left by the
non-land privilege holders for the landowners to pick up.
The privilege-profits (the extra profits on top of the prices
the privilege holders would have charged had they not had their
privileges) morally belong to the public in the same way, as
does the rent of land; both are created by successful solutions of
public tasks, by the synergy caused by the citizens' cooperative
activities, and by the protection of the privileges enforced by the
society's physical forces.
Unfortunately no nations register the size of privilege-profits taken
away from the market by monopolists and privilege-holders. The only way
you may understand something about the size of it is by looking at the
size of the residual rent of land, the increase of which should have
followed the breathtaking increase in productivity caused by the
technological progress. That increase of the rent of land has not
happened, it has been sucked up by non-land privilege holders, regular
criminals and tax-collectors.
How to Reclaim the Proceeds Taken by Holders of
Monopolies/Privileges?
George did not tolerate private monopolies/privileges! Against them he
proposed
abolition, or -- concerning those privileges that had to be
tolerated -- socialization.
At the time of Henry George (the last part of the 19th century)
monopolies/privileges were few, and those of them that the society would
decide to tolerate could easily be managed by the public without
conflicting Henry George's recommendation of a public administration
as small as possible that he proposed in order to avoid or minimize
the risk of corruption, ineffectiveness and waste of resources.
Today 118 years after the publication of George's Protection or
Free Trade (1886) we have to realise that the number and the extend
of monopolies/privileges have increased enormously and today they suck
up huge parts of what the classical economists and Henry George called "Rent
of Land". About the size of the "Rent of land" Henry
George wrote (page 406 in Progress and Poverty reprinted 1990 by
Robert Schalkenbach Foundation):
"... as society develops by the increase of population
and the advance of the arts, it becomes greater and greater. In every
civilized country, even the newest, the value of the land taken as a
whole is sufficient to bear the entire expenses of government. In
better developed countries it is much more than sufficient."
Today's Georgists have to face the fact that the legislators will
tolerate a great number of privileges, and therefore Georgists have to
decide whether they want to expand the public administration by
socialization of all these tolerable privileges (which will conflict
with Henry George's recommendation of a public administration as small
as possible), or use Henry George's means against the landholders
unearned profit (public collection of the annual rent of land) also on
the privilege-holders' unearned extra profit (public collection of the
annual rent of privileges, which is public collection of the
unearned privilege profits).
In his article in Progress No. 1061, May- June 2004, Gavin
Putland named non-land monopoly/privileges "the lesser robbers"
and land monopoly "the great robber".
That choice of wording might give the reader the impression that "the
lesser robbers" are inferior and almost innocent; but that is far
from the reality. In fact, holders of monopolies and privileges form
a steadily growing crowd of predators who wildly take their
proceeds from what the classical economists called Rent of Land (the
third part of the three in which the results of production is divided:
Wages, Rewards to investors, and Rent of land to the landowners and
other power brokers).
This is the real challenge that Georgists have to face in the beginning
of the third millennium -- the sooner they do so the better.
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