.
| Sovereign's
Rent: Winning With Words |
| [Reprinted from Land
& Liberty, Spring, 2001] |
EVER since Henry George's day, his supporters have been agonising over
what to call his ideal revenue source. Single tax? Land tax? Site value
tax? But they have never thought of abandoning the term "tax"
with all its negative implications , and this in spite of their common
(though not total) agreement that George's ideal revenue source really
isn't a tax but a fee for service received, that of renting.
Thinking of a land tax more readily as a rent fee has had some modern
inconveniences -- like the difficulty of connecting the land tax with
the "green tax" when renting is already a form of licensing
use of limited or to-be-limited resources.[1]
More serious, shifting taxes from improvements to land that has needed
continuing oversight to fend off "lowering the property tax"[2]
has gradually marginalised George's idea of getting the full rent
revenue that leaves no unearned ground rent for the landowner at all.
Yet any public land, like old airports and military bases that are being
converted to civilian habitation,[3] is an opportunity to see that the
sovereign(taxing) body keeps the land and gets the full rent revenue.
That could change attitudes about having the tax collector acquire title
to privately held land, once too much even for George's supporters.[4]
WORDS DO MATTER. In the well-documented work of institutions of
property ownership that George's ideas threatened, academic forces
combined to teach that land was part of capital, hence rent was part of
interest, etc. Their purpose was to obscure the role of land in the
production and distribution of wealth that Henry George had made
clear.[5] However, George may also have shot his own foot in his very
insistence on the moral foundation of his views, because that tied him,
hence his followers, to emphasising the land tax.
As the prophets of old knew well, it has never been easy to get moral
pronouncements about God's laws accepted, and George's one about all
human beings having equal right to the land was bound to be uphill all
the way. It goes against a deep instinct many, even most, of God's
creatures exhibit within their own species, that calls for setting
boundaries, then with a roar, croak, chirp, or other device, telling the
other guys to Keep Out! It's the instinct that over millions of
years has let territorial creatures nose out the competition.
Nevertheless, George insisted that sharing the land was a basic human
right, and that in turn influenced what existing framework he would use
to explain how this right to land would work - through taxing the
land.Taxes by definition went to the state to be used for the good of
all the citizens, a noble purpose if you had the right tax. The same
could hardly be said of that other word for the state's due, the
territorial, "rent". That ordinary transaction with the
landowner is for service rendered, basically that of keeping people out
- except us. Who keeps them out for all of us but the sovereign (taxing)
body? That's what wars are about. No matter how much we deplore the
original land grab, today we exerelse -- and not too tearfully -- our "right"
to occupy that land. "Therefore, "says the local sovereign, "for
keeping the brigands out, hand over the rent, you owe it. That's the
reason people can live and trade in peace, and add value to the location
of your land."
Such sovereign's rent is hardly George's moral land tax destined to
serve the public good, but everyone understands it without the need to
subscribe to God-given laws that appear to justify more hated taxes. No
taxes define sovereign's rent, but rather specified sovereign land
rights: to keep the land but never to sell it, as sovereign ownership is
inalienable, and to receive from the current tenant/improvement owner,
whoever that may be, only the annual ground rent at current appraised
value. Defined this way, limited sovereign's rent rights may never be
confused with property (land plus improvement) owner rights as Herbert
Spencer once did.[6]
True, George constantly referred to his ideal revenue source as rent,
but being a moralist, let "land tax" predominate as the term
for it. Because he was logically consistent as well, not following the
territorial implications of renting land that would respect the larger
boundaries of community and nation, led George relentlessly to the view
that people and goods could circulate freely on this globe. Here a huge
portion of mankind draws the line, backing off from unlimited growth of
population and free trade, insisting instead on the right of a nation or
a people to protect its economy and its environment, in a word, its
territory.
Wouldn't Henry George's moral land tax fare better as sovereign's rent
in untaxed economies proud of their borders around a better way of doing
things? "We don't pay any taxes, we just prevent owner subsidies!"
And "owner" means "of improvements" of course. As
George's opponents showed us a century ago, change the vocabulary and
you change the public's perception.
REFERENCES
[1] Added green taxes fall more heavily
on lower incomes and on labour like any retail tax, without making
politicians face the need to set limits and remove subsidies.
[2] See "Councils Join Fight Over City Land Tax", Pittsburgh
Post Gazette, Jan. 17, 2001.
[3] "Use of Master Developers in Implementing Military Base Reuse
Plans", Economic and Planning Systems, Berkeley, California, #8049,
December 1998.
[4] Fairhope (Alabama) refused to transfer its land title to the tax
collector as Henry George advised at the time. I learned this from a
conversation with Edna Harris. She is a descendant of founders of the
former Land Trust and grew up there.
[5] Mason Gaffney, "Neo-classical Economics as a Stratagem Against
Henry George", in The Corruption of Economics, London:
Shepheard-Walwyn, 1994.
[6] Henry George, A Perplexed Philosopher (1892); New York:
Robert Schalkenbach, 1988.
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