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| [Reprinted from Land
& Liberty, September-October, 1969] |
PRINCIPLES, it would seem, are becoming increasingly difficult to live
with, mainly because in the first place there are diverse views as to
what a principle really is. Dictionary definitions are not very helpful
- select what you will from the following: a fundamental truth or
element; moral rule; uprightness; a general truth, that which is
believed; a settled law or rule of action in human beings. There are, of
course, many more.
Even if we obtained general agreement as to what a truth is, it is
doubtful if we could all agree whether or not it was fundamental. Any
moral rule is in an embarrassing position at the present time, while
uprightness has been laughed out of court so often that it rarely dares
to make a public appearance. A general truth, if we could find and
decide upon one, might fit for the time being, while that which is
believed, by and large, could apply to just about anything and
everything. And so on.
Are there good and bad principles? Your own are good, of course. Those
of other people are perhaps not so good, and some of them are definitely
bad. Should there be any virtue in other people adhering to principles
with which we do not agree? It may be argued that fascists who persecute
minorities are men of principle when they genuinely believe that they
are preserving or purifying a race, and that the Spanish Inquisitors who
tortured and killed their fellow creatures to save them from eternal
damnation were men of good principle. We have ample evidence that for
many centuries until comparatively recently chattel slavery was regarded
as good in principle, and up to a little more than a century accepted on
similar terms.
The subject deserves much closer and more detailed study, but so far at
least two things emerge from our examination. The first is that a
principle, whatever it be, must be a line of conduct or action that is
to be maintained and held against all opposition; the second is that if
we desire it to be universally accepted it must stand the acid test of
whether or not those who hold it accept without reservation the holding
of it by others.
Consistency is the very essence of a principle. If it is to be altered
or abandoned on occasion to suit varying circumstances, for fear of loss
of prestige, or for personal advancement, it thereby forfeits the name
of principle.
Disraeli, it is alleged, once said, "Damn your principles - stick
to the Party!" The particular circumstances in which he made this
startling remark may not be known, but if he implied that the principles
of the person to whom it was addressed were not those of the
Conservative Party, he rightly chided a rebel in its ranks, in which
case the emphasis would have been on "your principles." If,
however, he meant that the principles of the Party must be sacrificed to
save the Party, this was wrong by any standard. Moreover such conduct
sows the seed of political disaster.
Many times we have seen principles go overboard in politics, and the
result is that today we have three main parties with policies and
principles (if they can still be flattered with the term) that overlap
to such an extent that it is none too easy to distinguish one from
another. Such overlapping inevitably leads to the party in power tending
more and more to adopt policies long held or advocated by others.
This is fine, you may say; as long as the job is done, what does it
matter? As Cervantes said: "Much more would be done in this world
if people cared not so much who got the credit for it." But there
is danger, nevertheless, for when political parties lose their identity
by too much of this sort of accommodation, sooner or later there is a
demand for government by coalition - the first step on the road to the
one-party state. Individual expression begins to atrophy.
The desire of some to be men for all seasons is evident in other
aspects of public life, including the churches, where we are amazed and
bewildered by the lack of agreement on matters of moral principle, and
where renegades abound in all denominations. There are exceptions here,
compromises there, and some vital questions are not answered at all. But
digression, however tempting, must be avoided.
All this giving, taking and waffling is not only confusing to laymen,
especially the young generation, who, whether it be generally believed
or not, yearns for strong moral leadership, but it is positively
dishonest of churchmen, politicians and others in high office to eschew
long-held principles that are the main props of their faith or party,
and still remain in office.
Politics will become much clearer, and the problem of choosing a
government will be considerably simplified, when the parties clarify
their positions by reviving the principles that have given them their
name, but which they have discarded or laid aside as being unworkable or
unpopular, and when one or two brave hearts in high Office can be
persuaded, on occasion, to adhere to vital principles, even at the cost
of popularity, or of position, itself. Of such stuff are statesmen made.
If it really comes to it, the response to such a challenge must be: "Damn
the Party - stick to your principles!"
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