.
| [Reprinted from The
Wall Street Journal, 9 April, 1969] |
WASHINGTON - Congress and state and local governments may want
to think a long while before giving tax incentives to promote better
housing and urban renewal. But they really shouldn't have to think too
long before ending some of the present tax incentives that promote
poorer housing and urban decay.
A growing body of experts believe present tax systems operate exactly
that way. The Federal villain is the income tax law, and particularly
its depreciation provisions. The state and local villain is the property
tax, and the way it's assessed. Together, in the view of many
urbanologists, these operate to discourage building, inhibit improvement
of existing structures, stimulate rapid and repeated turnover of slum
properties, and keep vacant land off the market and drive up the cost of
developed land.
The property tax, on which local governments depend for almost nine of
every ten tax dollars, to already the target of common criticism, to be
sure. Assessed valuations vary all over the lot, often without obvious*
reason. Religious, charitable, fraternal and other organisations gain
too-easy exemptions. Many assessors are untrained, and subject to
political pressures. Tax rates are already higher in the impoverished
central cities than in the suburbs, speeding industry's outward flight.
Less clearly recognized is the way the property tax operates at exact
cross-purposes to some of the ends cities want to achieve. A recent
symposium sponsored by the National League of Cities concluded that "too
often, it makes it more profitable to misuse and under-use land than to
use it wisely and fully, more profitable to let buildings decay than to
improve or replace them."
Since most property taxes are based on market value, new property is
usually assessed more heavily than old, improved property more heavily
than run-down. If a property owner builds an apartment or office
building on unused land, remodels a run-down tenement, adds a wing to an
apartment house or modernizes a factory loft, his property taxes
immediately go up to reflect the new value of the improved property. For
many owners, it's a lot easier - and a lot less costly - to leave the
property as it is: "Heavy taxes on improvements," says the
National League of Cities, "are bound to discourage, inhibit and
often prevent improvements."
Most owners worry over still another tax result: Improvements often
call the assessor's attention to the fact that the property was
undervalued for tax purposes all along. Slum properties in many cities
are assessed at a tow figure in relation to their actual earnings; the
assessment may be based on the shoddy appearance of the buildings or the
deteriorating neighborhood, rather titan on the income produced. The tax
man may decide to raise the assessed value of the original property at
the same time he adds on the value of the improvement.
In almost every city, moreover, housing, offices and other buildings
are taxed far more heavily than vacant land - a custom dating to the
days when most Americans were farmers. Low taxes make it easy for owners
to bold land off the market, particularly in downtown areas - letting it
stand idle or using it for parking lots. They can count on rising land
prices not only to repay the taxes paid each year but to yield a
substantial extra profit on eventual sale.
This hoarding drives up the cost of the land that is for sale. It adds
to urban sprawl, as builders are forced farther out into the country for
land they can afford.
One possible answer to the property tax problem is tax abatements for
remodeling or other improvements - a refund of former taxes, a credit
against taxes owed on other income, or merely the promise of no higher
taxes for a specific number of years. These, of course, are all tax
incentives. Another answer increasingly advanced is to assess land at a
far stiffer rate, closer to the rate on buildings or even higher.
Pittsburgh taxes land at double the rate used for buildings, and some
experts think the city's extensive facelifting is due in good part to
this policy. In 1962, Southfield, Mich., doubled its tax on land and
reduced its tax on improvements, and since then it has enjoyed a mammoth
building boom.
Both the National Commission on Urban Problems, headed by former Sen.
Paul Douglas, and the President's Committee on Urban Housing, headed by
Edgar Kaiser, have recommended that states and cities consider shifting
more of the tax toad onto the land. "Lighter taxation of buildings,"
the Kaiser committee said, "might remove existing tax disincentives
which discourage new construction, rehabilitation, or adequate
maintenance of housing."
The Federal tax laws Jeopardize urban upkeep in somewhat different
fashion. For one thing, they provide that the coat of "repairs"
can be completely subtracted from taxable income in the year they are
made, as a current expense, while the cost of "alterations" or
"additions" must be counted as a capital investment and
subtracted only gradually through annual depreciation deductions. Some
property owners see this as extra reason to settle for minimal repairs
rather than major improvements of run-down property.
In addition, the depreciation schedules themselves tend to encourage
turnover of slum properties. The tax laws permit extra-heavy
depreciation deductions in the early years of ownership, substantially
reducing the taxes on the income the property produces. Many owners take
advantage of these large deductions for 10 or 12 years, then sell the
property (at advantageous capital gates rates on any profit). The new
owner can begin the depreciation process all over again on his
investment, while the former owner uses tee sale, proceeds to buy
another property and start the depreciation process there. This, too,
makes for minimum upkeep outlays rather than substantial efforts to
upgrade the property for long-haul holding. ' Here again various answers
are possible. Some students would follow the tax incentive route and
permit current-year deduction of money spent on major rehabilitation and
improvement. Others would omit total depreciation recoverable on any
property to the original cost plus the costs of subsequent improvements
- denying an endless tax deduction for owner after owner. Still others
would withdraw depreciation allowances for buildings that fail to meet
local health and safety standards.
Obviously, it's politically more popular to grant new tax benefits than
to take away existing ones. Yet it's entirely possible that the latter
course may do more for the city and its people.
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