Taxation versus the Public Collection of Rent |
[Reprinted from Land and Freedom, November-December 1939]
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Nothing affects us more than the management of taxation and
rent. The government exacts taxes, the landlord exacts rent. The
nature of taxation and rent should be understood. If a people live
shut off from society, their returns from what they produce will be
100 per cent. If they live and work in a well governed community
where they have the daily use of public service, the returns may be
55 per cent of the total, while rent and taxes may be 45 per cent.
This increase in the proportion of rent and taxes to the total is not
bad. If this 45 per cent is the fair value of the work done by the
community, the 55 per cent will be more than the 100 per cent when
living alone. As a matter of necessity we must use land in two ways.
First. We take portions of land and shape them into items which
can be moved about at will, such as furniture, clothes, etc.
Second. We must use land as a site, it retaining its actual situation in space. To use it in this form we find it profitable to associate
in communities bringing certain services to the land such as roads,
water supply, sewers, gas, electricity, transportation, etc., in other
words, public service, rent and taxes being the result of this public
service. The more of the necessary public services which we perform the higher will rents be. Economic rent is that part of wealth
which has been produced by the expenditure of capital and labor
in public services. Private capital and labor produce interest and
wages. This definition of rent is different from Ricardo's.
"Rent," says Ricardo, "is that portion of the produce of the earth
which is paid to the landlord for the use of the original and indestructible powers of the soil."
The flaws of this definition are serious. Something essential is
left out, something nonessential is put in.
Before he proceeds far, Ricardo feels that "The original and indestructible powers of the soil" do not furnish a basis for the existence of rent in many cases, and he adds a second and distinct basis,
"The peculiar advantages of situation." This consideration shows
the essential principle of advantages of situation in relation to
common services is the big thing that accounts for the existence and
amount of rent. Ricardo undertakes to show how rent arises. He
says, "Suppose land 1, 2, 3 to yield with an equal employment of
capital and labor a net produce of 100, 90, 80. In a new country
where there is an abundance of fertile land compared with the population it is only necessary to cultivate No. 1. As soon as population
has so increased so as to make it necessary to cultivate No. 2 rent
would commence on No. 1." This assumption is impossible, assuming
the quality or value of the produce to be similar in each case. It
is doubtful if 100 in one case or even 80 or 90 in others are ever produced with an equal employment of capital and labor. Fertile
elements in greater abundance in any one place involves the employment of more labor and capital to direct them. Again the same
expenditure that produced 100 of standard value in Ricardo's time
now produces a greater amount, not less. This fact is at once a refutation of the theories of Malthus and Ricardo, for the tatter's law
of rent is simply the former's law of population stated in different
form. The mistake arising from false observations of facts is strengthened by the introduction of "The original and indestructible powers
of the soil," giving us a definition of rent with reference to chemical
activities instead of with reference to economic activities.
Instead of finding the cause of rent in the economic phenomenon
of the division of labor and capital into private and public, the latter's
activities producing rent and land values, he finds it in the alleged
decrease in the supply of the chemical forces available for man's use,
leading to such melancholy formulas as "The law of diminishing
returns." The relationship between the producer and the government and landowners is injurious in four aspects.
First. Is that under which the landowner can shut out the capitalist and laborer from the land.
Second. Is when the government and landowner exact more than
economic rent in the name of taxes and rent, which causes a high
artificial price for land.
Third. When the government intrudes with its oppressive taxes
in the affairs of private business.
Fourth. Is that under which individuals appropriate the earnings
of the community.
The mischievous domination of governments and landowners
over producers has rested on their power of dispossessing producers,
of shutting up alternative opportunities for employment, and of
exacting an undue share of the produce. Endowed with this power
they have put the producers in a corner and broken their spirit. How
often we hear this query: "What's the use of trying to make money
in your business when the government takes it away in chunks."
What is wanted is a recognition of the truth that everyone has an
equal right to the elements provided by nature. This equality can
become a fact only by apportioning taxes according to the privilege
each one enjoys in society, as shown by the value of the location
occupied.
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