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SCI LIBRARY

The Social Movement Started by Henry George

Samuel Seabury


[An address delivered by the Honorable Samuel Seabury at a dinner in honor of Charles O. Hennessy and Anna George De Mille, New York, September 1926. Reprinted from Land and Freedom, Vol.XXVI, November-December, 1926]



It is a privilege to sit at this board today in honor of Charles O'Connor Hennessy and of Anna George deMille. We delight to honor them not only for what they have done to promote a great cause, but because of their association, in our minds at least, with one whom we recognize as one of the greatest characters that the nineteenth century produced.

Many years have gone by since Henry George gave his message to the world. In the early days, the days of our youth, we used to believe that that message would soon realize fulfillment. Henry George knew that was not to be the case, and we lived to learn that Henry George was right. The struggle against private monopoly, against economic privilege, against international jealousies, against hate and against ignorance is not a struggle that can be easily won. In the years that have intervened, the truth which Henry George made clear has progressed. It has slowly marched on. But the world has as yet refused to accept the truth to which he gave expression, and has paid a heavy penalty for its failure so to do.

Henry George taught the lesson of brotherhood among the peoples, and we have seen nations divided into armed camps intent upon bringing about the destruction of one another. Henry George taught that the people of the world must cooperate in the spirit of good-will, and we have seen the peoples priding themselves upon their isolation from one another. Henry George taught the rule of the people, and we have witnessed a very different thing the rule of great states oppressive of the personalities of their own citizens within them and grasping and blatant toward other states without. Henry George taught that freedom of trade and exchange among peoples led to the welfare and the happiness of all ; we have witnessed the erection of tariff barriers and the establishment of governmental restrictions upon the right of one people to deal with another. He taught that economic freeedom was as essential as political freedom. We have witnessed the unprecedented growth of private monopoly and economic imperialism. Henry George taught that individual freedom could not exist coincident with the monopoly of natural resources. We have passed laws which, while they fulminate against monopoly, leave unrepealed upon our statute books laws which of necessity create and protect private monopoly. Henry George taught the lesson of tolerance and freedom of opinion. We have been passing through an era of bigotry and intolerance, under which the restraint both of public opinion and of law prevent the free expression of individual opinion. Henry George taught that the expenses of government should be borne by the taxation of socially created values. These great values which the community creates we have donated to a privileged class, while burdening and harassing the producers of wealth by a great multitude of inquisitorial, unequal and unjust taxes.

I point to these self-evident facts not in any spirit of pessimism. Only the truth and a realization of facts can make us free, and it is an encouraging sign of the times that the truth in reference to these subjects is becoming more generally appreciated and known.

When the world and its civilization passed through the Valley of the Shadow of Death in the Great War, men believed that when the War was over the governments of the world would act upon a higher plan, and that the world would then be made safe and free for democracy. It was a noble hope, but it remains unfulfilled. Like causes produce like results. Unless we can change the causes, the deep, the fundamental causes which give rise to social injustices and wars, we have no right to expect that we shall reap any different results.

Is it not time to try to change these practices and policies which have resulted in injustice and in war? Is it not time that we should try other and different policies and practices? We have tried isolation. Is it not time to try cooperation? We have tried economic imperialism and aggressive nationalism. Is it not time to try the abolition of economic imperialism, and the monopoly of natural resources, the root from which they spring? We have tried jealously and hate in international relations. Is it not time to try fraternity? We have tried intolerance and the suppression of opinion. Is it not time to try tolerance and the freedom of opinion ? We have tried allowing the state to limit and to restrict the individual in a thousand unnecessary, meddlesome ways. Is it not time for the individual man and woman within the community to restrict the State and to curtail its powers of meddlesomeness and interference with personal rights?

There is no short, no easy way. If we would aid toward laying the foundations of social justice, we must abandon the practice and the policies which, wherever applied, have led to injustice and wars among people. We must try to remove the obstacles to free cooperation among the people of the world insist that the state shall perform its primary state function of securing equality of opportunity by the destruction or the abolition of the private monopoly of natural resources.

Apart from the personal feelings of regard which I entertain for your distinguished guests of honor, I feel, as I have no doubt you feel, that we are delighted to be here to recognize what they have done in the past for the cause in which we are interested, and we are glad to be here because we think that the efforts that they will exert in this cause will contribute toward the accomplishment of the realization of these great objects to which I have referred, and we are glad and I am sure that I speak not only my own sentiments but the sentiments of all around this table to wish them Godspeed and success in the future labors that they will engage in.