The Social Movement Started by Henry
George |
[An address delivered by the Honorable
Samuel Seabury at a dinner in honor of Charles O. Hennessy and
Anna George De Mille, New York, September 1926. Reprinted from
Land and Freedom, Vol.XXVI, November-December, 1926]
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It is a privilege to sit at this board today in honor of Charles
O'Connor Hennessy and of Anna George deMille. We delight to honor them
not only for what they have done to promote a great cause, but because
of their association, in our minds at least, with one whom we
recognize as one of the greatest characters that the nineteenth
century produced.
Many years have gone by since Henry George gave his message to the
world. In the early days, the days of our youth, we used to believe
that that message would soon realize fulfillment. Henry George knew
that was not to be the case, and we lived to learn that Henry George
was right. The struggle against private monopoly, against economic
privilege, against international jealousies, against hate and against
ignorance is not a struggle that can be easily won. In the years that
have intervened, the truth which Henry George made clear has
progressed. It has slowly marched on. But the world has as yet refused
to accept the truth to which he gave expression, and has paid a heavy
penalty for its failure so to do.
Henry George taught the lesson of brotherhood among the peoples, and
we have seen nations divided into armed camps intent upon bringing
about the destruction of one another. Henry George taught that the
people of the world must cooperate in the spirit of good-will, and we
have seen the peoples priding themselves upon their isolation from one
another. Henry George taught the rule of the people, and we have
witnessed a very different thing the rule of great states oppressive
of the personalities of their own citizens within them and grasping
and blatant toward other states without. Henry George taught that
freedom of trade and exchange among peoples led to the welfare and the
happiness of all ; we have witnessed the erection of tariff barriers
and the establishment of governmental restrictions upon the right of
one people to deal with another. He taught that economic freeedom was
as essential as political freedom. We have witnessed the unprecedented
growth of private monopoly and economic imperialism. Henry George
taught that individual freedom could not exist coincident with the
monopoly of natural resources. We have passed laws which, while they
fulminate against monopoly, leave unrepealed upon our statute books
laws which of necessity create and protect private monopoly. Henry
George taught the lesson of tolerance and freedom of opinion. We have
been passing through an era of bigotry and intolerance, under which
the restraint both of public opinion and of law prevent the free
expression of individual opinion. Henry George taught that the
expenses of government should be borne by the taxation of socially
created values. These great values which the community creates we have
donated to a privileged class, while burdening and harassing the
producers of wealth by a great multitude of inquisitorial, unequal and
unjust taxes.
I point to these self-evident facts not in any spirit of pessimism.
Only the truth and a realization of facts can make us free, and it is
an encouraging sign of the times that the truth in reference to these
subjects is becoming more generally appreciated and known.
When the world and its civilization passed through the Valley of the
Shadow of Death in the Great War, men believed that when the War was
over the governments of the world would act upon a higher plan, and
that the world would then be made safe and free for democracy. It was
a noble hope, but it remains unfulfilled. Like causes produce like
results. Unless we can change the causes, the deep, the fundamental
causes which give rise to social injustices and wars, we have no right
to expect that we shall reap any different results.
Is it not time to try to change these practices and policies which
have resulted in injustice and in war? Is it not time that we should
try other and different policies and practices? We have tried
isolation. Is it not time to try cooperation? We have tried economic
imperialism and aggressive nationalism. Is it not time to try the
abolition of economic imperialism, and the monopoly of natural
resources, the root from which they spring? We have tried jealously
and hate in international relations. Is it not time to try fraternity?
We have tried intolerance and the suppression of opinion. Is it not
time to try tolerance and the freedom of opinion ? We have tried
allowing the state to limit and to restrict the individual in a
thousand unnecessary, meddlesome ways. Is it not time for the
individual man and woman within the community to restrict the State
and to curtail its powers of meddlesomeness and interference with
personal rights?
There is no short, no easy way. If we would aid toward laying the
foundations of social justice, we must abandon the practice and the
policies which, wherever applied, have led to injustice and wars among
people. We must try to remove the obstacles to free cooperation among
the people of the world insist that the state shall perform its
primary state function of securing equality of opportunity by the
destruction or the abolition of the private monopoly of natural
resources.
Apart from the personal feelings of regard which I entertain for your
distinguished guests of honor, I feel, as I have no doubt you feel,
that we are delighted to be here to recognize what they have done in
the past for the cause in which we are interested, and we are glad to
be here because we think that the efforts that they will exert in this
cause will contribute toward the accomplishment of the realization of
these great objects to which I have referred, and we are glad and I am
sure that I speak not only my own sentiments but the sentiments of all
around this table to wish them Godspeed and success in the future
labors that they will engage in.
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