[Reprinted from Land and Freedom, July-August 1940]
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There is a happy tendency among modern historical
researchers to subject ancient systems of government to
emotional analysis. This is perhaps caused by the pressure
of our need for accurate knowledge of the past to assist us
in determining present courses of action. The sighing for
the "glories that were Greece" is no longer in vogue. The
attitude has become, "Let us read history to learn lessons."
With a sympathy of treatment that is truly touching, Clenent Roberts Markham, a historian of the old school, relates
the saga of the Incas. He tells of their music, poetry, and
drama, of their beautiful religious mysteries, of their arts
and architecture, and of their government. Their system
of government inspired Markham's intense admiration. It
was a Utopian socialism, he said, in actual working order. It
was a benevolent despotism under rulers whose genius for
government "far surpassed that of the Spaniards who conquered them."
Guiness, a later writer, is less sanguine. He realized the
socio-economic implications of a totalitarian regime. The
Inca rulers extirpated poverty "but at what a cost!" The
people were treated like children and children they repained. They were the property, body and soul, of the
state. Their labor and persons were conscripted by the
slate at the discretion and whim of the rulers. Personal
initiative did not flourish under such a system. The great
body of the population was conditioned to be satisfied with
full stomach, the worship of idols, and reasonable protection from physical violence.
If a book could be written containing, on one side of the
age, Max Hirsch's "Socialism, the Slave State," and on
the other side, the history of the development of the Inca
civilization, the deductions of Hirsch and the facts of the
story would exhibit a striking parallel. Certainly there
remained no virility in a people who, themselves numbering
more than eight millions, could be subjugated by a band of
one hundred eighty Spaniards.
There were extenuating circumstances, of course. The
Spaniards rode the first horses the Incas had ever seen. And
it must have been terrifying to the Incas to see a cannon a
blast that could come apart into two pieces, and was, moreover, "apparently able to control thunder and lightning." Yet
the North American Indians were introduced to firearms
the awkward way by their invaders, but through the stubbornness of their resistance, they acquired firearms and became proficient in their use. Only internal decay could explain so easy a conquest as that of the Incas of Peru.
The facts substantiate the deduction. The Inca civilization was rotten to the core. At the time of the Spanish
conquest, the Benevolent Despot was directing, from his
luxurious quarters in the nation's capital, the resistance
against armed insurrection promoted by the Inca version of
the Crown Prince. Revolutions can be inspired by hatred
of oppression, or desire to enjoy the fruits of privilege. In
this case it was probably both. To the Inca rulers were not
only the power and the glory, but also two-thirds of the
produce of the nation's industry.
A "system of land-tenure" might more exactly be called a
"system for distributing the products of labor." The one involves the other. In Peru, under the Incas, the State was the
absolute owner of the land. All cultivated land (the extent of
which was vastly increased by elaborate systems of terracing
and irrigation) was divided into three parts. The produce of
one-third went to the support of the royal line. Another third
supported the religious system. To the producers was returned the remaining third.
The State was also the absolute owner of the people. It
decided what production should be carried on, and selected
the producing personnel. The State undertook the education
and training of the producers. It carried out large-scale
colonization of loyal subjects in provinces of doubtful party
regularity, for purposes of espionage and consolidation. The
State directed scientific research, and designated the scientists. It is true that a remarkable degree of knowledge had
been acquired. The surgical operation of trepanning was
practised. Silver and gold were extracted from the ore.
Ruins of public buildings contain blocks of stone weighing
up to 150 tons, which had been moved several miles from,
and raised hundreds of feet above, the quarries from which
they were hewn. But a great portion of the labor was wasted
in preparations for defense against internal and external
aggression, and in the carrying on of empirical conquests.
Unless its foundations be laid in justice, the social structure cannot stand. The monuments remain, but the Empire
has crumbled. According to Sarmiento de Gamboa, mouthpiece of the Spanish viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, the
tyranny exercised by the Incas over their people provided
the justification for the seizing of those lands by the Spanish
Crown. Whether the three gentlemen who sat around a table
in Panama and planned the conquest of Peru were motivated
by pity for the natives, by a pious desire to substitute monotheism for idolatry, by a lust for gold, or by mixed feelings,
cannot be stated with certainty. At any rate, the despoilers of
that remarkable civilization found conditions badly in need
of mending. And so the cycle completes another turn.
Five hundred years before the Spaniards came, the rich
Peruvian plateau was the seat of another highly-cultured
race, the Yuncas. The Incas, then in the vigor of their barbarism, overran this civilization. The size of the Yunca
capital city of Chan Chan gives an index both to the character of the conquered civilization and to the power of the
conquerors. It was larger than Manhattan, being over fourteen miles long and over five miles wide.
The Spanish conquest of Peru was yet a step in advance,
despite its attendant evils. The Catholic Church, through its
Spanish military arm, planted, in the ruins of a rotting civilization, the seeds of progress.
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